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THE

ALABAMA HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY

Vol. XXXIX ID 77 No. 1, 2, 3 and 4

Published by the

ALABAMA STATE DEPARTMENT
OF

ARCHIVES AND HISTORY

THE

ALABAMA HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY

Vol. XXXIX 1977 No. 1, 2, 3 and 4

CONTENTS

Colonel Hilary A. Herbert's ‘History of the Eighth
Alabama Volunteer Regiment, C.S.A.’ edited by
Maurice S. Fortin 5

Milo B. Howard, Jr., Editor

Published by the

ALABAMA STATE DEPARTMENT
OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Montgomery, Alabama

SKINNER PRINTING COMPANY
INDUSTRIAL TERMINAL
MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA

CONTRIBUTORS

MAURICE S. FORTIN of Sun City, Arizona, is currently work-
ing on a biography of H. A. Herbert.

19 7 7

COLONEL HILARY A. HERBERT’S
‘HISTORY OF THE EIGHTH ALABAMA VOLUNTEER
REGIMENT, C. S. A.’

EDITED BY: MAURICE S. FORTIN

INTRODUCTION

“While thus we have so much cause for congratulation
and pleasure; let us not and never forget the memory
of the noble spirits who fell in the glorious work whose
consummation we were spared to establish and com-
memorate.”

Brigadier General William Mahone, C. S. A,

Hilary Abner Herbert, the author of the History of the
Eighth Alabama Volunteer Regiment , C. S. A. y was the last
Colonel of that Regiment. At the battle of the Wilderness he
was seriously wounded, and this injury prompted his retire-
ment. He subsequently had a distinguished public service ca-
reer as Congressman from the 2nd Congressional District of
Alabama from 1876 through 1892; and as Secretary of the
Navy during Grover Cleveland’s second administration, 1893-
1897. He was the first Cabinet member from Alabama and
also the first ex-Confederate appointed to a Cabinet post.

In 1903, Dr. Thomas M. Owen, Director of the Alabama
Department of Archives and History, requested of Herbert the
preparation of a sketch of the Eighth Alabama Infantry Regi-
ment, to be printed by the Department along with other sketches
of Alabama Civil War military groups. Herbert, while anxious
to see such an history in print, was at the time very busy with
his large law practice in Washington, D. C., and proceeded
slowly. The result was a manuscript, completed in 1906, far
longer than Dr. Owen’s anticipated “sketch.” What Colonel
Herbert attempted to do was not to write a “sketch” but rather
to write “the history of a representative unit of Lee’s army,”
which he considered the Eighth Alabama Infantry to be, and
thereby preserve the history of that gallant command. In a
letter transmitting the manuscript to Dr. Owen, Herbert stated,
“It is a history, necessarily, in, large part, not only of the

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Eighth, but also the Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh and Fourteenth
Alabama Regiments, all of which were brigaded together in
the summer of 1862 and fought together to the close of the
war.”

It was then the custom to publish Alabama histories pre-
liminarily in the Montgomery Advertiser, and publication of
the History of the Eighth Alabama Volunteer Regiment , C. S. A.
began in that paper Sunday, July 22, 1906 and continued in
consecutive Sunday installments through September 16, 1906.
After the publication of his “History” in the newspaper, Her-
bert proceeded to correct and revise, striking out portions and
making additions to the manuscript. Accordingly, the manu-
script and papers contain many annotations, elaborations, ancj
inserts. There are indications that the length of the manu-
script, along with certain appendices, was more than Dr. Owen's
publishing budget could meet at that time. He also objected
to certain contents of the manuscripts and suggested a major
revision that would reduce the writings by some forty pages.
The development of the manuscript is fully recorded in cor-
respondence in the Alabama State Department of Archives and
History.

Herbert’s introductory to his “History” is a long essay
in which he expounds his belief that the fanaticism of the north-
ern abolitionists provoked the coming of the Civil War. Dr.
Owen thought this chapter too long. He wrote Herbert, “I
think you will agree that it would hardly be proper to embrace
a sketch of the abolition movement with the history of the
Eighth Alabama Regiment. It would not be improper to have
a very brief preliminary sketch of two or three pages, but I
think that a sketch of the length you propose would not be ap-
propriate.” Herbert, however, did not agree. He considered
that chapter pertinent history and “not out of place in an in-
troductory chapter, . . . inasmuch as my conclusion of the whole
matter is that the abolition crusade was the direct cause of the
antagonism between the two sections which resulted eventually
in secession and war.” On another occasion he again resisted
any change in his manuscript and explained the relevance of
his introductory chapter by writing: “For one, I am unwilling

that my descendants shall misunderstand the motives and pur-
poses underlying secession and the civil war.” To him this

chapter was but a realistic examination of the facts. Herbert
later expanded this chapter into a book, ‘The Abolition Crusade
and Its Consequences,” which was published in 1912. Both
Herbert’s ‘Introductory’ chapter to this history of his Regiment,
and his book are notable contributions to the historiography of
the abolitionist movement in our nation’s history.

Herbert’s well written and very readable “History,” which
he hoped “would be attractive not only to Alabamians but stu-
dents of the war everywhere,” offers new insights to the con-
flict. His generally excellent and truthful observations, which
are well substantiated by other sources, are marred in his re-
collections of the early days of the Maryland campaign around
Crampton’s Gap and Pleasant Valley, just prior to the Union
surrender of Harper’s Ferry, (Chapter VIII). He credits
“Stonewall” Jackson with capturing Loudoun Heights, whereas
it was Brigadier General John G. Walker’s forces who captured
these heights, Jackson being involved at the time with the
capture of Bolivar Heights.

Herbert states that his regiment passed into Pleasant Valley
through Crampton’s Gap after a march from Hagerstown. It
its more likely that the regiment’s march began south of Fred-
erick and proceeded south-southwest to and through the Gap.
It is also unfortunate that Herbert failed to elaborate upon and
specifically reconstruct the Eighth Alabama’s activities in Plea-
sant Valley. All that is known is that Wilcox’s Brigade, of
which the Eighth Alabama formed a part, then under the com-
mand of Colonel Alfred Cumming, was ordered to the support
of Brigadier Generals Howell Cobb, William Mahone, and Paul
J. Semmes. The three were attempting to withstand Union
Major General William Buel Franklin’s effort to pass Cramp-
ton’s Gap just prior to the Union surrender at Harper’s Ferry.

Nevertheless, in the same chapter Herbert provides a singu-
lar contribution to the events that occurred during the battle
of Sharpsburg. He gives the story of what occurred to his
regiment and to other Confederate troops during the day of
battle in the lower areas of the battlefield near and around
Pfeiffer’s (Piper’s) house. The Union forces were never suc-
cessful in holding this ground. His account is the only report
of Confederate action that this editor found, and is, accord-

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

ingly, a unique assessment of the day’s action in the Pfeiffer’s
farm area.

The chapter on the battle of Salem Church (Chapter XI)
relates a view of this battle from an officer who actively com-
manded a regiment totally involved in the battle and who re-
ceived a commendation for his leadership during this action.
This account is without doubt an important addition to the
history of that day’s combat.

Chapter XII offers important points on the general his-
tory of the battle of Gettysburg and includes a detailed account
of the Eighth Alabama and other regiments of Wilcox’s Brigade.
The chapter is also interesting for Herbert’s obvious criticism
of Confederate Major General Richard H. Anderson’s leader-
ship because of his failure to support assaults by portions of
his Division when success seemed assured.

The last three chapters provide personal accounts of officers
who were actively involved with their troops in the severe ac-
tions of the Petersburg campaign and the months that followed.
The ‘History’ ends with a pitiably pathetic description of the
retreat toward Appomattox C. H. during the “Last Few Days”
of this brave fighting group.

Herbert’s enthusiasm for his “History” is not surprising.
A main purpose of his efforts in writing of his old regiment
was his patriotic feeling that his old comrades should be re-
membered. He felt that they were motivated with “that pride
which was inborn in every Confederate” and with “true cour-
age, willingness to die for one’s conviction.” This feeling
applied to most of the men who fought alongside him in the
Army of Northern Virginia, an army he considered one of the
greatest military organizations of all time, and, considering its
valiant history, that is not an unreasonable assumption.

Appendices of additional material which are relevant to
the story of the Eighth Alabama Infantry Regiment are pro-
vided. All names in parentheses were added by the editor.
The rosters of the officers of the Eighth Alabama Infantry
Regiment, and of its ten (10) companies and supernumeraries,
were obtained principally from the compiled service records of

19 7 7

Confederate soldiers who served from the State of Alabama,
which are in the National Archives, Washington, D. C. The
rosters were checked against records deposited in the Military
Section, Alabama Department of Archives and History, and
the soldiers mentioned in Herbert's “History”.

A close study of Herbert’s work results in the opinion that
it was written without malice and that it is an excellent addi-
tion to the general literature of the Civil War. It is hoped
other readers will agree. In any event, it is the editor’s con-
tention that Herbert’s “History” merited publication in book
form.

The editor desires to express his gratitude to Mr. Milo
Howard, Director, Alabama Department of Archives and His-
tory, for permission to use the Herbert material and to mem-
bers of his staff, Mr. D. Floyd Watson and Mrs. Margie Locker,
of the Military Section, for their patience and assistance in
bringing to light the records, rosters and files that provided

much of the material for this book.

Maurice S. Fortin

10 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CONTENTS

Chapter Page

Editor’s Introduction 5

Author’s Preface 12

Author’s Introductory 15

I. Organization, Ideas of Discipline 37

Field Officers „ 40

II. Yorktown. Being Trained ... 44

Davies and Kautz 50

III. The Siege of Yorktown 52

IV. Battle of Williamsburg 56

V. Battle of Seven Pines 59

VI. The Seven Days Around Richmond 64

Frazier’s Farm 67

VII. Second Manassas 71

VIII. The Maryland Campaign 75

Sharpsburg 77

IX. Again in Virginia 85

X. Winter Quarters at Banks’ Ford - 89

XI. Battle of Salem Church 96

Disposition of Troops . 98

XII. The Gettysburg Campaign . 112

XIII. Gettysburg to Winter Quarters, Orange C. H 131

XIV. The Wilderness to Petersburg 138

Cold Harbor 141

XV. Petersburg — The Crater 143

The Battle of the Crater 145

The Confederate Charge 148

Charge of the Alabamians — 149

Sights at the Crater 150

Suffering of the Wounded 151

Peculiarity of the Fighting * 151

Captain Feather ston of the Battle of the

Crater 154

XVI. From August 1864 to March 1865 173

Conditions At Petersburg in Spring of 1865 178

XVII. The Last Few Days 182

Appendix

A. Consolidated Roll of 8th Alabama Regiment 192

B. Recapitulation of Strength, Casualties, etc., of

Company F 194

1977 11

Appendix Page

C. Captain Wm. B. Young’s Account of Battle of

the Crater 197

D. Roster of the Officers of the 8th Alabama In-

fantry, C. S. A 201

E. Roster of Company “A”, 8th Alabama Infantry . 204

F. Roster of Company “B”, 8th Alabama Infantry 216

G. Roster of Company “C”, 8th Alabama Infantry 227

H. Roster of Company “D”, 8th Alabama Infantry 238

I. Roster of Company “E”, 8th Alabama Infantry 249

J. Roster of Company “F”, 8th Alabama Infantry 260

K. Roster of Company “G”, 8th Alabama Infantry 270

L. Roster of Company “H”, 8th Alabama Infantry 281

M. Roster of Company “I”, 8th Alabama infantry 294

N. Roster of Company “K”, 8th Alabama Infantry 306

O. Supernumeraries, 8th Alabama Infantry 318

12 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

PREFACE

Forty years and more have passed since the gallant old
8th Alabama laid down its arms at Appomatox; and it did not
even then turn over its flag to the enemy, as required by the
terms of the surrender. So frenzied with grief were those
gallant veterans who from Yorktown to Appomatox had never
lost a flag, that they tore their shot-riddled banner into tatters,
and each of them who was fortunate enough to get a piece pre-
served it as a memento of the many fields on which they and
their comrades had carried it to victory. Singular it is that,
notwithstanding the spirit of devotion thus typified, not a mem-
ber of the regiment during all the years since Appomatox has
undertaken the task of writing its history. Indeed, during
the civil war there were very few letters written from the
regiment to the press at home — not one that the writer can
now lay hand upon, to help him in his task. The general his-
torian records that the men of the 8th were fighters, but they
have written little for the press — far too little.

When recently it was published that at the request of
Dr. Thomas M. Owen, Director of the Department of Archives
and History at Montgomery, I had undertaken this history, a
iett€T came from Captain W(illian) L. Fagan of Company K,
now living near Havana, Greene County, Ala., offering me a
diary he had kept, making frequent entries in it during the
whole war, even down to Appomatox, where he was present.
The regiment contained no more reliable officer than gallant
Captain Fagan, and I have, therefore, made much use of his
memoranda. There is before me also “A Short History of the
8th Alabama Regiment,” written by myself in camp near
Orange C. H., Va., in the winter of 1868-4, in response to a
request, or order, from Colonel (William Henry) Fowler, the
Adjutant General of Governor (Thomas Hill) Watts, requiring
such a report from officers at the head of several Alabama
commands. From this little sketch the following is a quotation :

In the accounts of each battle I have consulted with
those officers who were most cognizant of the facts,
and this account has been open to the inspection of all
the officers of the regiment. Their comments have
been invited and I have in several instances availed

19 7 7

myself of their suggestions. — The writer has been
obliged to mention his own name oftener than he would
have desired in a writing of his own. This has been
unavoidable from the nature of the report called for,
and the relation the writer has sustained to the regi-
ment.

A like apology is perhaps now again necessary, as I un-
dertake the task assigned me, of writing more fully and at-
tempting to give a life color to the history made by my comrades.

It is scarcely fair, however, to myself, to speak of this little
work as “a task” imposed upon me and executed under orders.
It has been entered upon with alacrity, and with a spirit of
thankfulness that I Have at least been able to devote a portion
of my time to the performance of this which has now come to
be a duty to my comrades, dead and living.

Most assuredly the fullness of time has come when some-
thing more ought to be written, not only of the history of
the 8th Alabama, but also of Wilcox's Brigade, of which it
formed a past. This has been to me painfully manifest as I
have proceeded with my investigations, for I have found no
extended notice anywhere, either of the Brigade, or of the
8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, or 14th Alabama, which composed it.

What I have found is, that at Salem Church, where on
May 3, 1863, Wilcox’s brigade was the chief factor in one of
the most glorious victories of the war, somebody has set up
a tablet stating that the battle was won by General (Jubal A.)
Early, when Early had nothing to do with it, he and his com-
mand being some five miles away.

Again I have discovered that recently some of the survivors
of Mahone’s old brigade were making the claim that they were
entitled to the chief credit of the great Confederate triumph
at the Crater, July 30, 1864, and that they were for a time
discussing the project of setting up a memorial tablet to their
command on the Crater proper, when the fact is that Wilcox’s
brigade captured the Crater proper and Mahone only cap-
tured the works to the left of it.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

To say, however, that it was Wilcox’s brigade that cap-
tured the Crater is not historically correct, except in this : When
the 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, and 14th Alabama first came together
Wilcox was their commander. Under him they first won repu-
tation, and therefore its soldiers generally, during the whole
war, and its survivors always since Appomatox, refer to them-
selves as members of Wilcox’s brigade; but this by no means
implies any imputation on the brave generals who subsequently
had charge of it. After Wilcox had been promoted away from
us, Abner Perrin was our general, until he was killed at Spot-
sylvania, May 11, 1864; then John C. C. Sanders, till he was
killed near Petersburg, June 22, 1864; and then (Brigadier
General) W(illiam) H. Forney was its general until the sur-
render. General Sanders is entitled to the credit of having
led at the Crater. All our commanders w T ere gallant officers
and were in turn idolized by the brigade, yet it is natural,
however, that these old veterans should cling always to the
name by which the five regiments, as an organization, were
first baptized with fire and glory in the battles around Rich-
mond in 1862.

The istory of the 8th Alabama is, to a large extent, neces-
sarily a history of the brigade of which it formed a part, and
it is hoped that the survivors of the 9th, 10th, 11th, and 14th
Alabama Regiments will find in these pages a contribution which
will be of value to them and to the memory of their dead
comrades.

With sincere regrets that other demands upon my time
have prevented me from making this little work more thorough
than it can pretend to be, and yet with the feeling that what
is here set down has been written with an earnest desire to
state facts as they were, I submit this little work to the public ;
and especially do I ask for these pages the kindly consideration
of the noble women of our State. It was the patriotism, the
enthusiasm, the devotion and self-sacrificing spirit of our women
that, more than all else, nerved the hearts of the Alabama
soldiers who fought under Magruder and Johnston and Lee
from Yorktown to Appomatox.

Hilary A. Herbert

Last Colonel 8th Ala. Vols.

Washington, D. C., June 1906

19 7 7

INTRODUCTORY

The Volunteer Spirit of 1861 . Causes.

The formation in the spring of 1861 of the Confederate
States of America was greeted with transports of delight, and
young men who were the flower of the land volunteered into
its armies with an alacrity which the reader of today will fail
to understand without a brief survey of pre-existing conditions.
We were then exulting over the dissolution of a union that at
that time unfortunately had become hateful and we hailed
with great gladness the setting up of a government of our own,
just as the Norwegians were last year, 1905, rejoicing over
peaceful separation from Sweden, their long union with which
had become irksome and intolerable. In principle the two cases
are parallel. Between Sweden and Norway, two sovereign
states, there was a limited union. Norway felt that Sweden,
the majority nation, was claiming and exercising powers not
authorized by the Act of Union. There was no one to judge
between the two sovereign States, and Norway seceded. Our
case was the same.

The government at Washington was a limited union, formed
by sovereign States, each State surrendering for the purposes
of this union certain powers specifically designated in the con-
stitution that brought them together. The broad limitation
was that all powers not granted in this constitution were specifi-
cally reserved. The seceding Sates in 1860-1 withdrew from
the union because in their judgment the majority section was
claiming and exercising, and threatening still further to exer-
cise, rights not warranted by the constitution, the basis of a
union, which had now become to them exasperating and in-
tolerable, The two cases of secession can be differentiated only
in this, that between the two sections of the American union
there existed far more bitterness, and there had been far more
of vituperation and personal abuse, than has ever prevailed
between the people of Sweden and Norway.

The Southern people believe in the right of a State to
secede peaceably from our union, just as Norway has recently
done from its union with Sweden, whenever in its own judg-
ment the State had good cause; and public opinion on the sub-

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

ject in the early days of the Republic is thus stated by that
eminent historiographer, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge :

When the constitution was adopted by the votes of
States at Philadelphia, and accepted by the votes of
States in popular convention, it is safe to say there
was not a man in the country, from Washington and
Hamilton on the one side, to George Clinton and George
Mason on the other, who regarded the new system as
anything but an experiment, entered upon by the
States, and from which each and every State had the
right to peaceably withdraw, a right which was very
likely to be exercised.

Certain it is that the union could never have been formed
if it had been plainly written down in the constitution that the
general government was to be the ultimate judge of its own
powers.

In 1797, only eight years after the adoption of our Federal
constitution, Oliver Edwards, who had been a member of the
convention, and Rufus King, both then United States Senators
from Massachusetts, confidentially informed “John Taylor of
Caroline/’ that if Congress should persist in carrying out cer-
tain policies the New England States might conclude to with-
draw from the union.

During the war of 1812, Congress, as a war measure, im-
posed an embargo on American shipping. This bore hard on
the shipping interests of New England, and in 1815, delegates
representing the New England States in a convention at Hart-
ford, threatened to secede from the union. But New England
did not secede. Soon after the Hartford convention peace came
with Great Britain, the embargo terminated, and the trouble
was at an end.

Had the New England States in 1815 put into effect their
threat to secede, it is safe to say there would have been no
effort to resist the movement by an armed force. Public opinion
would not have sanctioned it. But during forty-five years of
prosperity intervening between 1815 and 1860 there had been
a wonderful growth of union sentiment in the North, which

19 7 7

had found in the cotton producing South the best possible mar-
ket for its manufactures, its meats and its braadstuffs. Im-
migration, too, had greatly strengthened Union sentiments at
the North. Millions cf foreigners had come into that section,
knowing nothing of the history of our government, or of the
Constitution, its basis. All they knew was that this was a
great and free country, and with them dismemberment was
not debatable. There was also a continually growing patriotic
pride in the rapidly increasing strength and power of the United
States, now coming into the front rank of nations. But the
Southern people, — how could they, in 1860, feel pride in a gov-
ernment which from their viewpoint no longer protected them
in their rights?

The agitation of the slavery question had now completely
estranged the two sections. In my effort to show how this
deplorable result came about, I shall rely for my most important
statements on the two most eminent Northern historians who
have written of it, (William) Goodell, the Abolition Historian,
“Slavery and Anti-Slavery, ” 1852, and (James Ford) Rhodes,
“History of the United States,” Boston. Goodell is the highest
authority among Abolition writers. Mr. Rhodes is the greatest
living American historian, though he makes no attempt to dis-
guise the fact that he is a follower of the Republican party.

The Crusade of the “Modern Abolitionists 1831-61.

The name “Modern Abolitionists” attaches to those who
founded in the North an anti-slavery party in 1831, because they
promulgated the idea, then distinctly modern , that the people of
the whole Union were morally responsible for the sin of slavery
wherever and as long as it existed in any part of the United.
States. Previous opinion had been that, as the constitution
gave the general government no power over slavery in the
States, voters in the free States ought not to trouble their con-
sciences about the transgressions of their friends in the slave
States. This new or modern idea first took shape in “The
Liberator,” established in Boston, Mass., January 1, 1831, by
William Lloyd Garrison.

The consequences which followed the founding of this new
school and which it is the purpose of this chapter to briefly

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

sketch, constitute one of the most remarkable episodes in the
history of mankind, finding parallels only in the crusades of
the middle ages for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre, and
in the history of the Reformation. Yet the acknowledged |
founder, or to speak more accurately, organizer of “Modern
Abolitionism,” was not intellectually remarkable. In this re-
gard he was distinctly inferior to Wendell Phillips, Theodore
Parker, James Julian, and hundreds of others who accepted his
tenets and became his disciples. William Lloyd Garrison was
great, if great at all, only in his self sacrificing devotion to a
single idea, and he attracted attention not by his ability as a
writer, but by the boldness with which he denounced slavery
and slaveholders. His success illustrates the fact that a wire
of moderate size suffices to bring down lightning from a cloud
that is surcharged with electricity.

The mighty wave of anti-slavery sentiment that sprang up
in Europe in the latter part of the eighteenth centurv was just i
about in 1831 to complete its great work in the British parlia-
ment; it had also freed, or provided for the ultimate freedom
of slaves in the northern States of our Union; and now the
progress of manumission by State legislatures had stopped
short, at least for the present, at the borders of those of our
States where slaves were most numerous. Within these States
the problem was being debated, but at the time men in the
North, who believed slavery to be a curse, had many of them
begun to doubt whether the South would ever see its way to
emancipation.

Even at the time of this writing there are many broad--
minded men in that section, who, while admitting that the ag-
gressive program of the Modern Abolitionists was lawless, never-
theless make for them the plea that the Southern States would
not voluntarily have manumitted their slaves, and that the
crusade was a necessity if slavery was ever to be abolished.
My study of history does not incline me to accept this view.
My belief is that the South, if left alone, would have fallen
into line with the growing sentiment of the age and long before
this would have found its way to emancipation. Certain I am
that if the North, while refusing to advocate or contenance slave
insurrections in the South, had proposed and voted for a con-
stitutional amendment authorizing the general government to

19 7 7

abolish slavery and make compensation to owners from the
public purse, as Great Britain did, the South would have ac-
cepted the terms with gladness. Such a scheme, or even some
modification of it showing that Northern Abolitionists were
willing to accept a reasonable share of the burden of emanci-
pation, would have been fair and equitable. But no such propo-
sition seems to have occurred to the northern mind, and it is
therefore fair to assume that if “The Liberator” had begun its
crusade on that line this generation would never have heard
the name of Mr. Garrison.

Speculation however as to what might have been is profit-
less. Let me write of these things as they were. The Crusade
of the “Modern Abolitionists” was conducted on the idea, from
start to finish, that the Southern slaveholder was to “pay the
piper,” that the sin of slavery in the South was something the
Northern people were answerable for and that therefore it was
to be abolished by their efforts and yet without any compen-
sation to the slave owners.

Slavery had once existed everywhere in the United States,
but in the Northern States there had been only a few slaves
bcause “the soil there was not adapted to slave culture.” Into
the South importations had been more numerous because slavery
there was profitable. Originally the importing and buying of
slaves was not a question, either North or South, of morals,
but of profit. But later a tide of anti-slavery sentiment swept
over the world, and in 1831 the Northern States had virtually
already emancipated all their slaves that had not been sold to
the South. In some of these States the laws had provided that
the process should be gradual. Professor Ingram says the prin-
cipal operation of these latter laws was “to transfer Northern
slaves to Southern markets.” (History of Slavery. London,
1895, p. 184, by Professor (John Kells) Ingram)

In the Southern States, long before 1831, slavery had be-
come the bedrock of social and economical institutions, and there
it was much more difficult to get rid of the fateful institution.
Nevertheless many philanthropists in the South were moving for
emancipation. Popular leaders like Jefferson and Clay favored
it, and if we can take the United States census (free blacks)
as authority, the people of the thirteen slave States had, in

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

1830, freed 44,541 more slaves by individual action than had
been freed in the thirteen Northern states of individual and
state action combined.

In 1831 “in the slave states the opinion prevailed that
slavery in the abstract was. an evil.” (Goodell, pp. 10-11)
(Josephus N. Larned, History of Ready Reference, Vol. v. p.
3371) (Rhodes, Vol. I, p. 54)

It was an inherited evil, coming over from times when
slavery was not thought to be wrong, and practically it was
difficult to deal with. How were owners to be compensated
for emancipation, and what was to be done with the negroes
if freed? The Southern people were addressing themselves
seriously to these questions, and Judge (Oliver Perry) Temple
tells us, in the “Covenanter, Puritan and Cavalier,” that in 1826
cut of 143 emancipation societies in the United States, 103 were
in the South.

“Miss Martineau, (a noted author 1 and traveller of that
day), had conversed with many people on the subject (slavery)
but she met with only one person who altogether defended the
situation.” (Rhodes, Vol. I, p. 54)

There had, it is true, as far back as 1819 been a sectional
dispute about slavery. Missouri in that year had applied for
admission as a state, with a constitution authorizing slavery;
objection was made and a very exciting debate followed. The
Southern people, although the thoughtful among them were not
then ready to make what the lawyers call “full defense” of
their inherited institution, resented this interference with a
matter that, as they contended, concerned the states alone. The
Missouri constitution was like theirs, and by sanctioning slavery
the new state would relieve the South of some of its. slaves
without adding to the number of this population in the United
States, their importation having long ago been forbidden by
statute.

No doubt the debates in Congress over Missouri were bitter,
and it is certainly true that many of the speakers naturally
went to great lengths in defending an institution prevailing
among their constitutents ; but the question, which then related

19 7 7

only to slavery in the territories and new states, was settled
by the great Compromise of 1820. This let in Missouri with
slavery and provided that thereafter every state coming from
north of a line drawn on the parallel 36 degrees, 30 minutes,
extending to our then Western border, should be free, and that
any territory applying for admission as a state south of that
line might have slavery or not, as its constitution might provide.
This was the settlement of the question so far as our territories
were concerned. As to the States in which slavery then existed ,
the underlying postulate of the agreement reached was , that
they were left to deal with it for themselves.

The Missouri Compromise was intended to take the question
of slavery entirely ouf of national politics and to be final, and
so no doubt it would have been, if anti-slavery people at the
North had allowed the people of the Southern States thereafter
to deal with this purely domestic institution in their own way,
as the Constitution of the Union plainly provided. And the
spirit of their Compromise would have extended the line of 36
degrees, 30 minutes to the Pacific ocean, when subsequently we
had acquired new territory to the westward.

The great pact of 1820 had proved beneficent; it quieted
agitation. Eleven years had passed, and the Southern people
were now discussing in their own emancipation societies the
institution with which they found themselves encumbered; and
as to the thought, at that time, of the North, Daniel Webster,
in hi*s debate with (Robert Young) Hayne in 1831, expressed
it this way: Whether slavery is a curable or an incurable evil
“I leave it to those whose very duty it is to decide, and this I
believe is, and uniformly has been, the sentiment of the North.”

Who disturbed these conditions? Who violated the Missouri
Compromise? If I have studied the question fairly and do not
mistake the imports of the facts I am about to relate, it was
the Abolition party, starting in 1831, and the northern congress-
men and legislators and mobs later joining with it that were
the destroyers of that compromise, as well as of the peace it
had brought about.

The “Liberator” was established in Boston by Garrison
January, 1831, for the purpose of convincing the northern people

22 AL ABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

that slavery “was a concern of theirs.” Garrison was for “im-
mediate emancipation,” and the “American Anti-Slavery Con-
vention,” an outgrowth of the agitation headed by the Libera-
tor, two years later in Philadelphia added the words “and un-
conditional,” making the announcement read “immediate and
unconditional emancipation.” Because of this new conten-
tion — that slavery in the Southern States was a concern of
the northern people, Goodell and Rhodes and all other accurate
writers denominate the party now founded as the “New Aboli-
tionists.” The underlying idea of this new school was that the
States where slavery still existed would not, and that therefore
the general government must, abolish the institution within
their limits.

There were two obstacles in the way, and two only. First,
the want of power in the general government to effectuate
manumission in the States. This the advocates of the new school
refused to discuss. Constitutions were not to stand in their way.
The second was the question of compensation to the peoples who
had inherited the institution of slavery. The British parliament
just about that time under similar circumstances appropriated
20,000,000 pounds ($100,000,000) to compensate the owners of
slaves manumitted in the West Indies. The answer of the
American philanthropists to this was that the poor slave, and
not the wicked master, was entitled to compensation.

A new party has been born. It was the offspring of a
union between philanthropy and outlawry. Its platform was
“immediate and unconditional emancipation” in the States and
everywhere else. For the Missouri Compromise this new party
substituted “no compromise with slavery.” Their method, as
announced in “The Liberator,” was to draw attention to the
horrors of slavery and to “make the slaveholder himself odious.”

The reflective reader will at once see that the most effective
workers along these lines would be the writers and the orators
who could most successfully paint slavery as the most hellish of
institutions and the slaveholder as the most fiendish of human
beings. In the carrying out of such a program, if the Abolition
writers and speakers were only fallible mortals and speakers
(and they were), there would always be temptation, increasing
as passions waxed hotter, to overdraw the picture. In the out-

19 7 7

set Garrison said in his paper: “On this subject I do not wish
to think or speak or write with moderation”

The Abolition leaders were not all saints; neither on the
other hand were those whom they had deliberately chosen to
personally antagonize. The Southerners were hot-blooded, and
if the North was to be aroused from its present complacency
about slavery by torrents of denunciation launched by the new
sect at the iniquities of their Southern brethren, no one could
fail to see, at least in part, the indignation that would be aroused
among the luckless slaveholders.

The South right along, and for a time the North, with great
unanimity looked on these “New Abolition” enthusiasts as
nothing better than cheap philanthropists, who proposed to take
away other people’s property without taxing themselves a penny ;
and most certainly their avowed program was absolutely with-
out warrant in the constitution of their country. But many of
them soon showed the true spirit of martyrs — a willingness
to sacrifice friendships, property, and even endanger life itself,
if need be. Strange indeed is fanaticism !

Amid the tranquility then prevailing, the sound of the new
doctrines was like a fire bell in the stillness of the night.

The north regarded the agitators as disturbers of the peace.
“Good Society,” etc., “opposed the movement” — (Rhodes).
“The vast powers wielded by clerical bodies, missionary boards,
conventions, and managers and committees of benevolent so-
cieties” were wielded “to cripple and crush abolitionists, who
would persist in agitating the slave question.” (Goodell, p.
436 ).

Meetings of Abolitionists were frequently broken up, their
printing presses destroyed, and now and then thedr speakers
were subjected to violence. But this was not the way, if indeed
there was any way, to put down the new cult. The crusaders
cried out persecution and thus gained recruits. They mul-
tiplied and became more extreme. A new tenet was “No wicked
enactment can be morally binding.” The reply to the argUr
ments of the preachers that the Bible sanctioned slavery was
a demand for “an anti-slavery Bible and an anti-slavery God.”

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

To statesmen their response was that the constitution was a
“league with Hell and a covenant with Death.” “Per fas et
nefas” they meant to go forward. They wrought and they
suffered, biding the time when office seekers should come to
their help. This they knew, or at least the wiser among them
soon came to know, would be whenever a new distribution of
the loaves and fishes should be in sight.

The indigation with which the South regarded the organi-
zation of this effort to take away their property without com-
pensation, and this by overriding the constitution, was only
equalled by the alarm of what soon followed the birth of the
“New Abolitionists.” Scarcely had the teachings of the Liber-
ator” been well ventilated in the press, North and South, when
within seven months after its establishment occurred in South-
hampton county, Va., the Nat Turner slave insurrection, in
which sixty-one men, women and children were murdered at
night. Turner could read, Southampton county was accessible
to the mails, and Southerners naturally connected the “Libera-
tor” with the insurrection. This horror gave no pause to “The
Liberator” or to the circulation of incendiary literature through
the South in the mails. To such an extent did this practice in-
crease that in 1837 President Andrew Jackson, widely known
for his devotion to the Union, .sent a message to Congress
recommending legislation to prevent the transmission in the
mails of “inflammatory appeals, addressed to the passions of
the slaves, in prints and in various sorts of publications, calcu-
lated to stimulate them to insurrection and to produce all the
horrors of a civil war.”

Nothing came of the message.

Of course emancipation societies in the South were now
ended, for to discuss there the wrongfulness of slavery would
have been to light a match over a magazine. My mother, prior
to the Nat Turner insurrection, had favored some method of
freeing the slaves, but thenceforward she was silent, not even
telling her views to her own son, born afterwards, though she
lived till he was seventeen years old. Indeed, so fearful was
my mother of insurrections that when my father removed from
South Carolina to Alabama in 1846, she induced him to select
for his residence a county in which the whites predominated.

19 7 7

When there could no longer be but one side of the slavery
question at the South, and when Abolitionists were continually
charging “wickedness” and “brutality” and “folly,” Southerners
naturally came to advocate the righteousness and wisdom of
the institution. But it took years to bring this about. Rhodes
tells us that the distinguished William Gilmore Sims, of South
Carolina, boasted, in 1852, that fifteen years before he had
been one of the first to advocate that slavery was “a great good
and a great blessing.” If Mr. Sims’ statement is entitled to
credence, then it was only in 1837, or six years after the “The
Liberator” began to denounce slaveholders, that the crusaders
had succeeded in driving the Southern people to begin to make
“full defense” of slavery.

Quite promptly, however, their press, their orators, and
their Church had taken up the defense of the Southerners.

But, crimination begets recrimination, and excitement,
North and South, grew by what it fed upon. The time had at
length come when if in the one section no voice was lifted ex-
cept to defend slavery, so in the other all were its assailants.
After a few years of tribulation the new idea began to spread,
for fanaticism is contagious. In 1840 there were already in
the north 2,000 abolition -societies with a membership of 200,000,
all advocating the immediate emancipation, through the power
of the General Government, of slavery in the Southern States,
without compensation to owners.

In 1844 Texas, an empire in extent and resources, invaluable
to us because of her contiguity and her position on the Gulf,
and for which we were not to pay a single dollar, applied to
come into the Union, and her application was denied because
her constitution allowed slavery; and this although most of her
domain lay South of 36 degrees, 30 minutes. And for two
years longer this same anti-slavery sentiment, now widespread
at the North, having no regard for the spirit of the great com-
promise, kept Texas out. In 1848 a bill was before Congress
appropriating money to aid the United States in negotiating
a peace treaty with Mexico, by which we were to acquire valuable
territory and round out our possessions to the Pacific ocean.
Much of this territory lay South of 36 degrees, 30 minutes.
True, this was not technically within the Missouri Compromise,
but this was only because the territory lay further west than

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

our possessions had extended in 1820. Now again, in disregard
of the spirit and intent of the famous compromise, David
Wilmot, a Democrat of Pennsylvania, moved as a proviso that
slavery be excluded from all the territory to be acquired by the
treaty with Mexico, and the proviso was carried in the House
by nineteen majority.

In 1844 the Abolitionist carried enough votes for their can-
didates to turn the scales in the presidential election.

In 1848 the Presidential election was again decided by anti-
slavery votes, anti-slavery Democrats voting against their party
nominee in New York State and thus electing (Zachary) Taylor.
The Tide was becoming a tidal wave, and the Abolitionists had
well nigh accomplished their purpose of arraying the North
against the South. Northern churches instead of defending
•slaveholders as formerly, were now bitterly denouncing and dis-
solving connection with their Southern brethren. Northern
mobs, instead of assailing abolitionists as formerly, were now
attacking “slave catchers,” the owners who sought to reclaim
their property under a law of Congress passed in pursuance of
the constitution. And Northern States were aiding in the ob-
struction of this law, fourteen out of nineteen having already
passed for this purpose “personal liberty’’ laws. In 1848, Rhodes
says, “every one of the free States, except Iowa, had passed
resolutions endorsing the Wilmot proviso and declaring that
Congress had the power, and it was its duty, to prohibit slavery
in the territories,” whether they were North or South of 86
degrees, 30 minutes. The Missouri Compromise was a dead
letter. Its intent had been to secure peace on the slavery ques-
tion, not only as to our territories, but everywhere. Now it
was plain there was to be no peace. And “personal liberty”
laws, the “Wilmot proviso” in the House, and the votes of every
free State Legislature except one, showed that there never was
to be another slave State admitted. It is strange that Southern
statesmen did not see it. They had been swept off their feet.

Put on the defensive twenty years before, Southern leaders
undoubtedly did make an aggressive campaign to secure from
our territories new slave states whose votes in the Senate would
protect the rights of the South. Nevertheless the charge,
gravely made, by Mr. Lincoln, in his Springfield speech in

19 7 7

June, 1858, that the advocates of slavery meant to “push it
forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as
well as new, North as well as South,” was purely imaginary,
unsupported at any time by any credible evidence; but such
was the madness of the times that no utterance now was too
absurd for belief, and that speech was to make Mr. Lincoln
President.

Southern leaders, however, had begun to see, in the late
forties, that ultimately the constitution alone would be no bar-
rier against the tide Abolitionism had put in motion. The con-
test, therefore, over rights in the territories, had waxed hotter
year by year for the South wanted more votes in the Senate
as a barrier. When in 1850 California applied for admission,
with a free State constitution suddenly improvised under a
military government by about 50,000 people, which was less
than the usual number, and proposed to bring in a State that
reached 734 miles from North to South, the Southerners in
Congress insisted that the Missouri Compromise be extended
through that territory to the Pacific Ocean; and here was a
deadlock. Mr. (Henry) Clay once more came forward as a
compromiser. These words were the key to his great speech:

In my opinion, the body politic cannot be preserved
unless this agitation, this distraction, this exaspera-
tion which is going on between the two sections of the
country, shall cease.

Again there was a compromise, California wasi admitted
with all her long strip of territory, and the South got a new
fugitive slave law. That is to say, that bare majorities in both
Houses of Congress enacted a law that was intended to compel
the people of the North thereafter to obey the constitution and
surrender fugitives. A fugitive slave law had existed for sixty
years, and that law was good enough so long as it was possible,
as it had been before the days of the abolitionists, to execute it.

The presidential elections of 1844 and 1848, the vote in
the House on the Wilmot proviso, “personal liberty laws” passed
to nullify the fugitive slave law, the present attitude of the
northern press and northern churches, the hot debate over
California, and above all, the resolutions of every free State

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

except Iowa maintaining the right and duty of Congress! to
prohibit slavery in all territories without regard to the line of
36 degrees, 30 minutes named in the Missouri Compromise, all
these showed that the Abolitionists had already killed that
compromise. They had destroyed the peace it brought about
and they had created a sentiment that nullified “the geographi-
cal line upon which it was based.” These same considerations
now in 1851 made it perfectly clear to “astute politicians,” as
Mr. Rhodes says, “that a dissolution of parties was imminent,
that, to oppose the extension of slavery, the different elements
must be fused into an organized whole, it might be called Whig,
or some other name, but it would be based on the principle of
the Wilmot proviso,” which proviso was a defiance of the great
compromise.

Condensing Mr. Rhode's idea, the new party was already
in the womb; and it may be added, that as the electoral vote
of the North was now over 150 and that of the South 105,
and as the North had majorities in the House and Senate, those
“astute politicians” were only waiting the call to act as ac-
coucheurs. The new party was soon to appear and the “some
other name” than Whig by which it was to be baptized was
“Republican.” It is strange that this eminent and conscientious
historian, after making the above statement, should later at-
tempt to prove that the “raison d'etre” of the Republican
party, whose pre-natal existence he has thus pointed out, was
the Kansas-Nebraska act, passed some three years later, but
in this he is following the generally accepted northern theory,
that the Southerners were the first to disregard the sacred
compromise and that they, by their own folly in voting for the
Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854, called into existence the party
that subsequently overwhelmed them.

The truth is that nothing was needed, after 1851, to bring
about the prompt appearance of the new party but the signal
defeat of that one of the two great parties which in the North
might prove to be most thoroughly imbued with anti-slavery
ideas, and this occurred in the presidential election of 1852.
The Whigs had in 1848 achieved their only victory in frnany
years, and that was the result of anti-slavery defections among
their opponents. The election in 1852 was the Whig Waterloo.
They could thereafter have no hope of success except in fusion

19 7 7

with anti-slavery Democrats. To help the desponding Whigs
in deciding where to go, “Uncle Tom’s Cabin” came out that
same year, and this book as a leading emancipationist said did
“more for humanity (anti-slavery) than ever before was ac-
complished by any single book of fiction.”

It is perfectly true that the infant party, long before stir-
ring in the womb, first saw the light of day and was christened
“Republican” shortly after the passage, May 26, 1854, of the
Kansas-Nebraska act, formally repealing the already dead Mis-
souri Compromise and allowing new states thereafter to come
in with or without slavery as their people might decide. But
equally as effective as the Kansas-Nebraska act would, have
been an application of^ a territory to come into the Union as a
new state with slavery, South of 36 degrees, 30 minutes.

No doubt the birth of the new party would have followed
even a dramatic episode attending an attempt to capture a
fugitive slave. Indeed nothing except abject surrender by the
South could now have prevented the formation of a new anti-
slavery party, based on the Wilmot proviso. This proviso rep-
resented a majority sentiment at the North. The voters who
held to this sentiment would naturally come together and quite
as naturally politicians would see to it that there should be
no unnecessary delay in organizing. (John G.) Nicolay and
(John) Hay (Life of Lincoln, chap, xx), tell us of a meeting in
Fond du Lac, Wise., in the early months of 1854, which was
before the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska act, at which fusion
of town leaders took place and the name “Republican” was
suggested; and these authors say this was “only one of many
similar demonstrations.”

The Kansas-Nebraska act, in spite of the fact that reiterated
assertions of partisan historians have created a widespread be-
lief that it was monstrous, within itself embodied no unrea-
sonable contention. Its claim was that United States territories
were the common property of all the States, and that the citi-
zens of the several States all had an equal right to take their
property there. This claim was afterwards fully sustained by
the supreme court of the United States in the Dred Scott case.
Chief Justice Taney, next to Marshall in ability and equal to
him in purity of character, delivered the opinion. But so rabid

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

was anti-slavery sentiment in the North that the decision was
spurned, trampled under foot, and finally buried at the Presi-
dential election in 1860 under the ballots of people, many of
whom had never read, and others of whom were unable to
read, the Constitution of their country, which wns the basis
of the decision. The plain truth is that with the year 1854
had come to the fullness of time when, as Mr. Rhodes says, “the
moral agitation had accomplished its work, and when the cause
(of anti-slavery) was to be consigned to a political party that
brought to a successful conclusion the movement begun by the
moral sentiment of the community.” (Rhodes, Vol. I, p. 66).
The “movement begun by the moral sentiment of the com-
munity” (abolitionism) was for the freeing of the slaves; in
the Southern States “unconditionally,” and the “successful con-
clusion” of this movement was accomplished by successful war.
The Abolition party had sowed the seed. The Republican party
was the flower. The fruits were secession, civil war, and
emancipation. The aftermath was reconstruction and universal
suffrage for the recently enfranchised slave.

The conservative force in the North upon which the South
relied to stay the tide of anti-slavery was the Democratic party.
By its aid, one more victory was achieved in 1856, but that was
simply delaying the inevitable. Nothing could have turned back
the tide that had set in.

It is not to be denied that the Republican party existed only
in embryo when the Kansas-Nebraska Act was passed; it is
admitted also that that futile act hastened the birth and greatly
forwarded the growth of the new party, but in view of what
we have seen, it is absolutely marvelous that a usually well-
informed public should now accept the partisan statement, be-
cause it has been often repeated, that the country was in 1854
at peace on the slavery question, and that that peace was
disturbed by the passage of that law. The Act was itself but
an ill-advised attempt to devise a shelter from the storm that
was raging.

Quite fortunate it was for the Republican Party, -which
could only expect to live by a continuance of the strife out of
which it was born, that another exciting incident soon oc-
curred — “border warfare” in Kansas. The exasperated South

19 7 7

had lost its head and tried to make of that territory a slave
State. The Abolitionists and Republicans were determined to
make it a free State. Armed men from both sections poured
into the territory, Missouri slave State men being first on the
ground. But the South was no match for the “Sharpe’s rifles
and Bibles” that were mustered in by the organized abolition
societies in the North. There was ruffianism on both sides
in Kansas, and there the first blood was shed in war between
the North and South. The North won. “Bleeding Kansas”
had added to the excitement, North and South, and the Re-
publican Party prospered. When, in 1856, this party had put
its sectional candidates for President and Vice-President in the
field, upon a sectional platform, Rufus Choate, the great
Massachusetts lawyer, therefore a Whig, voiced the sentiment
of conservative people by declaring it to be the duty of every
one “to prevent the madness of the times from working its
maddest act — the permanent formation and the actual present
triumph of a party, which knows one-half of America only to
hate it,” etc.

The Republican ticket in the election of 1856 carried a ma-
jority of the Northern electoral votes, but failed of election.

About two years after the formation of the Republican
Party, June 16, 1856, its future leader, Abraham Lincoln, was
declaring, at Springfield, 111., “this government cannot endure
permanently, half slave and half free.” And, seven months
later at Rochester, Mr. (William H.) Seward, another leader,
took up the thought and said, “It is an irrepressible conflict
between opposing and enduring forces.”

In the crusade of hate and passion that was being carried
on, nothing was to extravagant for belief. Uncle Tom’s Cabin
was then looked upon, and, in spite of irrefutable proof furnished
by the civil war of the kindly relations generally prevailing be-
tween master and slave, it is by many persons at the North still
looked upon as a fair picture of slavery at the South.

Here was the situation. The “underground railroad” was
now in full operation. Rhodes estimates that 1,000 negroes
per annum were annually being successfully carried away from
their masters by two well known routes, one leading from Ken-

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tucky into Ohio and one from Maryland into Pennsylvania.
“Personal liberty” laws were more completely than ever nullify-
ing the law of Congress for the delivery of fugitives. A court
of Wisconsin, with the sanction of its Legislature, took away
a fugitive from a United States marshall, and then refused
obedience to a writ of error from the Supreme Court of the
United States. All this the Republican press and Republican
orators, some of them winked at, and most of them applauded.

The South of course retorted. Passion was at a white heat.
Northerners were accused of “stealing” the slaves they had
sold to us to anticipate emancipation. Northerners were de-
risively called dollar-hunters, devoid of honor and of courage.
And now came from the Supreme Court the Dred Scott deci-
sion that the territories were the common property of all the
people and that slave owners had the right to take their prop-
erty there. Instead of settling the main question in dispute
and giving peace, it was met with a storm of indignation, the
echoes of which rang out for a generation.

“Make the slave holder odious” was the slogan of 1831;
and it was still the slogan when in 1858 Charles Sumner de-
livered in the United States Senate a two days’ speech, modeled
after the oration of Demosthenes, when the Greek orator was
arousing the Athenians to fury against the enemies of their
country, the Macedonians. It was to be, as Sumner himself
declared, “the most thorough phillipic ever delivered in a legis-
lative body,” and no doubt it was. The veteran Senator (Lewis)
Cass, of Michigan, arose at its conclusion and pronounced it
“the most un-American and unpatriotic that ever grated on the
ears of this body.”

Sumner had virulently attacked the veteran Senator (An-
drew Pickens) Butler of South Carolina, (then absent), charg-
ing him with falsehood, and this without warrant. (Rhodes,
Vol. II, p. 136.) Preston Brooks, a member of Congress from
South Carolina, and a nephew of Butler, knowing, as he said,
that the New Englander did not recognize the “code of honor,”
caned Sumner unmercifully, knocking him down and giving
him no chance. The act cannot be justified. The North glori-
fied Sumner as a martyr to free speech and the victim of a
Southern bully, and the South wildly applauded Brooks.

19 7 7

On March 3, 1858, Senator Seward, of New York, who
was the real leader of the Republican party in that body, an-
nounced the following as his program:

Free labor has at last apprehended its rights, its in-
terests, its power, and its destiny, and is organizing
itself to assume the government of the republic. It
will henceforth meet you boldly and resolutely here;
it will meet you everywhere — in the territories or out
of them — wherever you may go to extend slavery.

It has driven you back in California and in Kansas ; it
will invade you soon in Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
Missouri, and Texas.

Garrison's program was being carried out to the letter.

I remember about this time to have seen an extract from
some northern paper, that of course had wide circulation at
the South, to the effect that the Southern people had become
so effeminate, under the malign influences of slavery, that
nothing could regenerate them but amalgamation — an infusion
into their veins of the “warm, generous blood of the negro."

In October, 1859, came the John Brown raid in Virginia.
“Brown knew the history of San Domingo and in the career
of Tousaint he took delight." (Rhodes, Vcl. II, p. 400.) With
him for a model, Brown thought by exciting slave insurrections
to devastate the whole South and massacre all the white in-
habitants, but he was captured, tried, and finally hanged ac-
cording to law.

The horror of the South when the news of John Brown's
invasion was flashed over it, can only be imagined; it cannot
be portrayed. At the North conservative people strongly de-
nounced this deliberate effort to destroy Southern homes and
Southern civilization, but many church bells in that section
tolled in mourning, and extravagant eulogies were pronounced
on this new martyr to the cause of liberty. Thoreau said on
the day of the hanging:

Some 1,800 years ago Christ was crucified. This morn-
ing, perchance, Captain Brown was hung. There are

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the two ends of a chain which is not without links. He

is not Old Brown any longer; he is an angel of light.
(Rhodes, Vol. II, p. 414.) Ralph Waldo Emerson had previous
to the execution spoken of John Brown as “the new saint
awaiting his martyrdom/’ (Rhodes, Vol. II, p. 413.) and the
same great author later, summing up his estimate of Northern
opinion among non-professional politicians, said,, in a public
speech at Salem, January 16, 1860 (Miscellanies, p. 262.) : “All
women are drawn to him by their predominence of sentiment.
All gentlemen are of course on his side.” What a revolution
since 1831 !

Republican politicians in public generally, though not uni-
versally, deprecated the whole affair; but Horace Greeley was
then writing privately, as Mr. Rhodes shows, to (Schuyler)
Colfax :

Do not be down-hearted about this old Brown business.

Its present effect is bad and throws a heavy load on us
in this State — but its ultimate effect is to be good — *
it will drive the slave power to new outrages — It
presses on the irrepressible conflict.

Soon afterwards an attempt was made by individuals at
the South, defying Northern sentiment and defying the statutes
of the United States, to re-open the African slave trade. The
Wanderer and one or two other vessels illegally smuggled in
slaves from Africa. The slaves found ready buyers in men
who wished to flout Abolitionists; and worse still, Georgia
juries refused to convict the violators of the law on what was
believe to be sufficient evidence.

North and South, “Oh, judgment! thou wert fled to brutish
beast — And men had lost their reason.”

That these slave traders did not represent Southern senti-
ment was soon to be proved by the Confederate constitution
which forbade the African slave trade.

“The old Brown business” did not materially affect the
elections then pending. In 1860, the very next year, the tidal

19 7 7

wave of anti-slavery sentiment that had been started by “The
Liberator” in Boston in 1831, swept the Republican Party into
the White House at Washington. The Southern States seceded.
They meant to free themselves from this crusade and these
crusaders. Who can wonder at the exultation with which the
South greeted the Confederate flag?

By the election of Lincoln the North had, in the opinion
of the South, openly avowed its intention to carry out its own
views -simply because it had the voting strength. These hap-
pened just then to be certain views on slavery. But if a ma-
jority section could, to further its own desire, violate the Con-
stitution and laws sanctioned by it through its mobs and its
courts and its legislatures, then that Constitution was no longer
sacred, local self-government was no longer safe. Every speech
for State-Eights made in the South after the birth of the sec-
tional Republican Party, had this for its keynote. The cause
of the excitement that had brought about at the North these
violations of the Constitution and the destruction of “public
tranquility” was undoubtedly slavery, but the plea of the South-
erner to the Southerner when advocating secession at the hust-
ings in 1860-1 was not for slavery — it was for something
higher and holier ; it was for liberty regulated by law, for the
Constitution of the fathers, which our people had been taught
to regard as the noblest work of man, the very “palladium”
of their rights. If this Constitution was now to be preserved
at all it was urged, it could be only by seceding and setting it
up over ourselves, that we and our posterity might guard it
forever. Therefore we -seceded and set up the Confederacy.

So the Confederates, in the war that followed secession,
were not fighting for slavery but for the preservation of local
self-government under the Constitution of their fathers, which
in substance they had ordained as the foundation of their new
government. Fully three-fourths of their armies were non
slaveholders. And the North did not enter into that fight for
the freedom of the slaves, but for the preservation of the Union.
Slavery was not what the Northern armies were fighting
against, nor was it what the Southern armies were fighting for.
This fact the country ought to recognize fully, and it ought to
be written in large letters.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Slavery fell as an incident of the war between sister states
that had been provoked by the Abolition crusade. Fanaticism
at the North had engendered fanaticism at the South.

Fanaticism, made us forget that we were brothers, and
we did not call our kinship to mind until rivers of blood had
flowed.

Now, however, the scales have fallen from our eyes and
we see each other as we are. Mutual respect has been restored.
Courage, devotion, and patriotic self-sacrifice, North and South,
have done their perfect work, and it is plain that the blood that
was poured out like water on both sides of the lines of battle
was not shed in vain.

19 7 7

CHAPTER I

Organization, Ideas of Discipline

The first seven regiments from Alabama had volunteered
to serve for twelve months. The Confederate Congress having
enacted that no troops should thereafter be received except for
“three years or the war,” and the 8th, mustered in under this
law, therefore claimed that it was the first regiment to volun-
teer “for the war.” The war however was not to be ended
within three years, and when it became necessary to reenlist
for the war without any three years limit, the regiment was
again one of the first to come forward and for this was com-
plimented in a special order by General Robert E. Lee.

Men and officers, their antecedents, and the motives that
brought them together, all considered the 8th Alabama was a
typical Confederate regiment, and if any lessons of value are
to be learned from the military history of Alabama troops dur-
ing the civil war they ought to be exemplified in the experience
of the organization of which this is to be, as far as the writer
can make it, an unvarnished account.

The regiment represented city and country; five companies
were from Mobile, then Alabama's emporium, two from Perry
County, one from Coosa, one from Butler, and one from the town
of Selma. One of the Mobile cmpanies was Irish — < The Emerald
Guards (C. I), Captain (Patrick) Loughry; another (Co. G.), the
German Fusiliers, Captain (John P.) Emrich; was — except a
Second Lieutenant, Drury W. Thompson — entirely German. In
this regard the regiment was not an exact type of the Confeder-
ate armies, for when the few foreign born scattered here and
there in the other companies of the 8th are taken into account, it
contained more than twenty percent of foreigners, which was
very much greater than the average proportion of foreign ele-
ment in the Southern ranks. But none of our companies were
more thoroughly imbued with the spirit then animating the
South, than were the Emerald Guards or the German Fusiliers.

One company, that from Selma, the Independent Blues
(Co. D.), was largely composed of the sons of rich men, but
taken as a whole the slave owners and sons of slave owners

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

did not constitute more than 20, cr at the most 25 percent of
the regiment. Certainly the men of this regiment had not
volunteered to fight for slavery. The ten companies went on
separately to Richmond during the latter part of May and the
first days of June 1861, and were on the 10th of June formed
into the 8th Alabama Regiment.

For each of these companies the way by rail from Alabama
to the new Capital of the Confederacy was like a triumphal
procession. The country was ablaze with enthusiasm. From
houses by the wayside flags and handkerchiefs waved, and at
every station multitudes greeted the soldiers with cheers and
flowers and every manifestation of love and admiration. Ah,
how little we then knew of the hardships, the perils and the
sad realities of the future! No one of us, except (T. W. W.)
Davie-s, Captain of Co. B, had been trained in the art of war.
A few of the companies as holiday soldiers had acquired at
home a slight proficiency in drill. Of discipline we had no
conception, and Southerners were perhaps at that time, of all
peoples, the most unfit for it. As Edmund Burke, in the British
Parliament during the Revolutionary war declared it to be then,
so it was now; the institution of slavery had created where it
then existed in the United States a spirit of caste and race
pride, that made of every white man in some sort an aristocrat
no matter whether educated or uneducated. Obedience to the
commands of another — that was for the inferior race, the slave.
Individual liberty, the right to do as he pleased, was the birth-
right of every white man born or living in the atmosphere of
the South. Of course soldiering we all knew implied some
sort of obedience to orders, but there was a feeling among our
boys all, that every military order should be “proper,” and
that it was always theirs to know the “reason why.” I shall
never forget the indignation of my friend Morgan S. Cleveland,
then a private in Co. D, at Yorktown, when Colonel (John A.)
Winston refused to allow him, he having the money and being
ready to pay for it, to hire a buggy to ride in when his company
had been ordered to march to Williamsburg. What made the
matter worse was the Colonel did not even give a reason for
his refusal. Morgan of course learned better, and in time he
not only showed himself a gallant soldier, but became one of the
most efficient Adjutants the regiment ever had. Discipline was
to come to us through manifold tribulations.

19 7 7

Democratic in our ideas, we had elected, before coming to
Richmond, all our company officers, and there were those among
us who believed themselves competent to fill all the offices in
the regiment; and so when notified that with Captain (Young
L.) Royston’s and Captain Davies’ companies, already at York-
town, we were to form a regiment, the captains of the eight
companies then at Richmond met to consider of field officers.
Our task was easy, because there was not much competition.
Captain (James) Kent, of the Independent Blues, was conceded
to be a good drill officer. He was a tall, handsome and bright
Doctor from Selma, and he was to be Colonel. Captain Charles
T. Ketchum of Co. C. also knew something of drill, and he was
chosen for Lieutenant Colonel. Captain William T. Smith of
Co. G. had been a volunteer in the Mexican war. How much
service he had seen is not remembered; but his experience in
the Mexican war caused his election as Major, although I believe
the regiment in which he had been a volunteer had not gotten
to the front.

The following order is my warrant for saying that we
left out of this conference to select officers not only Captain
Royston of Co. A., but also Captain Davies of Co. B. :

Special Orders No. 68, A. & I. G. O. Richmond, June 10,
1861. Eight companies of the volunteers from Alabama
will also proceed to Yorktown and with the two companies
from that state now at Gloucester Point will constitute a
regiment to be commanded by Col. John A. Winston.

By command etc.

Captain T. W. W. Davies w\as a graduate of the Naval
Academy at Annapolis.

The Election conclused, a committee of which the writer
was Chairman was now sent to ask President (Jefferson) Davis
to appoint the gentlemen we had selected. Mr. Davis gave the
committee an attentive hearing, and then courteously informed
us that he had his own plans in view and that we should hear
from him soon. We now began to see that a regiment in the
Confederate army was not to be, even in its formation, a purely
Democratic institution.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Field Officers.

John A. Winston was appointed Colonel, John W. Frazier
Lieutenant Colonel, and Thomas E. Irby Major. Colonel
Winston was a man of uncommon abilities and of extraordinary
force of character. He had been, prior to the war and con-
tinued afterwards until his death, which occurred about 1875,
to be a man of mark in the politics of our State. After the
war he was chosen as one of the first two U. S. Senators from
Alabama, but neither he nor his Colleague was allowed to take
his seat.

As Governor our Colonel had acquired the soubriquet of
John Anthony Veto Winston, by his many vetoes. He had been
a member of the Alabama State Convention that in 1860 had
sent its delegation to the celebrated National Democratic Con-
vention at Charleston, S. C., where occurred the noted rupture
that resulted in two Democratic nominations and the election
of Abraham Lincoln, which w r as followed by the (secession of the
Southern States. In the State Convention at Montgomery
which had sent him to Charleston, Governor Winston had bit-
terly opposed the resolution there adopted, instructing the Ala-
bama delegation to retire from the National Convention in case
it should refuse to adopt the extreme views set forth in the
resolution in question. But these resolutions, championed by
(William Lowndes) Yancey and opposed by Winston, were
adopted and Yancey and Winston were both made delegates to
the National Convention where the excitement created by the
position taken by the Alabama and other Southern delegations
following Alabama’s lead was intense. The destruction of the
Democratic party was imminent. The Union of the States was
in peril. It is now said that at one time during the Convention
Mr. Yancey was willing, in violation of the instructions he had
procured, to accept a compromise that had been offered and not
retire, but that Governor Winston put his veto upon the com-
promise, insisting that the instructions should be carried out
to the letter.

If the statement is true, the incident is characteristic. Not
even Andrew Jackson had a more inflexible will than John A.
Winston.

He was now a Colonel who, like most of our regimental
commanders, had never “set a squadron in the field.” Nor did

19 7 7

our Colonel ever learn tactics. He had no taste for drill and
never applied himself to “Hardee/’ He was, however, a -strict
disciplinarian, requiring implicit obedience to orders, and this,
coupled with the fact that his language was often harsh, with
his ignorance of drill, naturally rendered him unpopular with
officers and men, whose aversion to discipline inclined them
nearly all to be fault-finders. This unpopularity however was
by no means singular. It is probable that every commander of
a Confederate regiment, who sought from the outset to enforce
discipline rigidly, had at first the same experience. No colonel
was ever more disliked than Stonewall Jackson, until results
achieved in battle -showed the men under him his real value.
Colonel Winston was, at Seven Pines, the only battle his health
ever permitted him to engage in, as brave as Stonewall Jackson ;
and certainly a man of his courage and with his splendid abili-
ties, might well have been expected to become a distinguished
officer, if only he had studied drill and his health and the
casualties of battle had permitted.

Within a month or two after Colonel Winston took com-
mand, a petition was circulated in the regiment asking his
resignation. Nearly, if not every Captain had signed it when
the matter came to the Colonel’s ears. He sent at once for all
the Captains to come up to his tent.

“Gentlemen,” he said, “I understand there is a seditious
petition in circulation in this regiment. If I hear anything
more of it, I will courtmartial the last one of you.”

Nothing more was heard of that petition.

Lieutenant Colonel Frazier, a Tennesseean and a graduate
of the U. S. Military Academy, had resigned from the old army
to offer his sword to the Confederacy. He was expected of
course to teach the art of war to the regiment, the Major and
Colonel included; but the Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel did
not “mix” well. Colonel Winston was quite willing to turn
over to the West Pointer the matter of drill, and proceeded at
once to do it. But it wa-s soon evident that the two first officers
of the regiment were at daggers’ points. One of the first symp-
toms of this was an order given one night just after 10 o’clock
to the Captain, who was acting officer of the day, to arrest

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

all officers in whose tents lights should be found. Taps had
sounded and the standing general order was that thereafter
all lights should be out. The Captain, when he got the special
order, looked around and found a light burning only in
Lieutenant Colonel Frazier’s tent, where a game of cards was
on. The Lt-Col. was notified that he was under arrest and his
wrath exploded — but only in his own tent.

The “on lit” in camp was that the Lieutenant Colonel, who
was a “youngster” when compared to his Colonel, had been
volunteering suggestions about matters other than drill, or at
least giving advice not asked for. However this was, certain
it is that the 8th Alabama regiment was not then, in naval
parlance, “a happy ship.”

Our Colonel had a temper and was often given to profane
parts of speech. It was not according to regulations to curse
an officer, even though an inferior. The old gentleman was,
in his genial moods, a perfectly delightful companion, and he
upheld always what he considered the rights of his officers to
the utmost; but when angry his vigorous expletives often had
a most unpleasant flavor. The writer remembers Captain
Royston’s coming to his tent one night after a volley of oaths
from Colonel Winston had been flying uncomfortably close
around his head, with:

“Herbert, do you know what the difference is between the
people in this regiment? It is this: A Colonel can curse a

Captain, a Captain can curse a Lieutenant, a Lieutenant can
curse a corporal, and a corporal can curse a d - - - - d dog.”

Ah, the friction and the heart-burnings that occurred in
our regiment, and of course elsewhere, in the efforts to discipline
an army of free men, such as the Confederates were!

Lieutenant Colonel Frazier also had a temper, and it was
often sorely tried by the crass ignorance of some at least of
his Captains. The following amusing incident will serve to
show that Frazier too occasionally indulged in language not
fitted for the parlor :

We were on the battalion drill. Colonel Frazier, on his

19 7 7

horse, was forming the regiment into a hollow -square around
him. The Captain of Co. F. was derelict and Lt. Col. Frazier,
out of patience, called aloud:

“Captain Herbert, why in the Hell don’t you dress your
company on the left?”

And then the Lieutenant Colonel, supposing in his wrath-
ful impatience that he would of course find Co. G. also failing,
wheeled his horse suddenly and exclaimed: “Captain Emrich,

why in the Hell don’t you dre-ss your company to the right?”
Captain Emrich who prided himself on his knowledge of drill,
and really knew more about it than he did about English,
replied, to the amusement of the Regiment and the discomfiture
of the Lieutenant Colonel: “I did done it, sir, by dam, I did

done it!”

Lt. Col. Frazier was of course an accomplished drill officer,
and nearly always conducted battalion drill, only occasionally
turning the regiment over to Major Irby; but the Lieutenant
Colonel paid little attention to the details of company drill.
Company officers were left to dig for knowledge in “Hardee’s
Tactics,” and ah, how hard that was, and how slowly the
knowledge came!

Major Irby had served, according to the writer’s recol-
lection, with Alabama troops that went to Mexico. He was a
planter in Dallas County and had been in the State Senate. He
was an enthusiastic soldier and soon acquired a fair proficiency
in battalion drill. The Major apparently never took any part
in the differences that so plainly existed between his two
superiors.

44 ALABAMA HISTORIC AL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER II
Yorktown. Being Trained.

The battle of Big Bethel having occurred on the Peninsula,
we were suddenly ordered from Richmond to Yorktown, which
we reached on Wednesday, 12th day of June, 1861. Upon our
arrival, an incident occurred that well illustrates not only the
Democratic ideas that prevailed among some at least of the
company officers, but also our Colonel’s notions of discipline
and how it should be enforced. The writer, then Captain of
Co. F., was superintending the landing of the baggage of his
company and called out to one of his men, who was a lawyer
in the same town with the Captain, and twenty years his senior :
“Mr. Ross, move that box over here.”

Colonel Winston, attracted by this polite speech, cried out
sharply: “Captain Herbert, what was it you called that man?”
“Mr. Ross,” was the reply. “Don’t call him that, sir,” said the
Colonel. “There are no Misters in this regiment. They are
all officers, non-commissioned officers and privates. Call him
Private Ross” — a very pointed lesson as to the new relations
these Democratic soldiers had assumed towards each other.

We pitched our tents on a beautiful beach whose green
sward sloped gently down to the York River from under a high
bluff just below Yorktown, and here we remained for months.
To lovely women, whose cheers were still ringing in our ears,
we had bidden a long farewell. Yorktown, never more than
a little hamlet, was now practically deserted, and the writer
cannot remember that there was ever the footfall of a woman
in the regimental hospital that was promptly established and
soon full of sick soldiers, many of them dying with diarrhoea,
measles and their sequelae. In withstanding at the outset the
hardships of camp life, the country boy, commonly supposed to
be hardy by reason of his healthful occupation, was soon found
to be no match for his comrade from the town. The latter who
usually had gone through with the measles, whooping-cough,
etc., had often kept irregular hours. He had never been in the
habit of going to bed, like a farmer boy, with the chickens,
and sleeping till morning. The farmer boys were now exposed
to entirely new conditions, and standing guard at night, con-

1 9 7 7

tagious diseases, unsanitary conditions, and bad cooking, soon
filled our hospital. Death began rapidly to thin our ranks long
before we heard the whistle of an enemy’s bullet. Such cook-
ing! “Flapjack! was the favorite bread — flour mixed with
water poured into the frying pan, fried on one side till it was
brown, and then thrown into the air so as to flap over and
be deftly caught in the spattering grease of the pan, when it
was fried to a crisp brown on the other — this w T as the “flap-
jack.”

Our Surgeon, Dr. Robert Royston, and Dr. Daniel Parker,
the latter first detailed to duty from the ranks and afterwards
commissioned as Assistant Surgeon, were physicians fully, up
to the standard of that day. They were both assidious and
faithful, but war was not the science it has since become at
the hands of the Germans and the Japanese. If ever in the
future in an Alabama regiment in a permanent camp where
convenience for cooking can be had, soldiers shall be allowed
to feed on flapjacks, the commanding officer of the regiment
will be, or at least ought to be, court-martialed and shot.

But sorrow and suffering, these were not the only expe-
riences in the camp of the 8th Alabama on that beautiful beach
at Yorktown. The soldier soon learns to turn with avidity,
when he has fired his last shot and shed his last tear over the
grave of a comrade, to the bright scenes around the camp-
fire. There he enjoys the jokes and quips and songs of his
fellows. The present and the present alone is his to count on.
As to the future, who knows? Many an hour sped away delight-
fully while we listened to bright anecdotes by Lieutenant
(C. P. B.) Branagan, who was to fall at Gettysburg; (Captain
Leonard F.) Summers, who died at Seven Pines, and especially
by Lieutenant Joshua Kennedy, who fell by the same volley
that killed Summers. Indeed there were few of the officers who
did not contribute something to our merriment and the witty
remarks of Colonel Winston were always circulating through
the camp.

In front of our camp was the York river, and the bathing
was superb. In its salt water at night the phosphorescent light
sparkled like myriads of diamonds around the strong arms of
the swimmers. In nearly every company there were musicians.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In Co. D. was a delightful quartet, the music of whose charm-
ing serenades is still ringing in my ears over the waste of
nearly half a century. One of the four, (Charles B.) Woods,
was soon transferred to another command to be an officer;
another George Shortridge, son of one of our noted politicians,
and as handsome and attractive as any soldier in the regiment,
fell in one of the first battles, with his face to the foe.

The high bluff immediately in rear of our camp was steep
and difficult to climb. This was the identical bluff behind
which British non-combatants and magazines were sheltered
when Washington, the great American rebel, lay in front of
Cornwallis. Very soon upon its top our fortifications were
begun. Army engineers laid them off, and now soldiers found
themselves digging dirt. To many who prided themselves on
never having stuck a spade in the bosom of mother earth, this
seemed an ignominious task, and indeed, to all it was more or
less irksome to find themselves engaged in handling pick and
shovel under “overseers” whom they had chosen to command
them, not in such menial tasks as this but in battle against the
enemy. To show that our Colonel shared, at least for a time,
in this feeling the following incident is taken from Captain
Fagan. The dirt in which the men were required to dig was
hard, and one day when shovels instead of spades were furnished,
a detail under Captain, then Lieutenant Fagan, demurred and
Colonel Winston sustained them, sending word to General
(Daniel Harvey) Hill, then commanding the post, that if he
wanted digging done with such tools he must send down “some
of his North Carolinians.” The work progressed, of course,
but it was a slow business, and many were the complaints of
men who had “never volunteered to make ditchers” of them-
selves. The time was to come later when these same men
could, to meet an expected enemy, throw up more dirt with
bayonnets and tin plates only, in half an hour, than they moved
with pick and shovel in twice that time. Digging dirt, drilling
in the “school of the soldier”, by company and by battalion,
cooking, and policing camp, kept the regiment busy. But this
was not all we did. The enemy were only some forty miles
away down the Peninsula, with headquarters near Old Point
Comfort, and cavalry. Federal and Confederate, were roaming
down between us and “the Yanks” day and night. One Con-
federate cavalry troop appeared to be charged with the especial

19 7 7

duty of bringing in messages for the benefit of the 8th Ala-
bama. It was the “Old Dominion Dragoons,” a name that is
remembered to this day by every survivor of the regiment then
in our camp at Yorktown. The indefatigable (Major) General
John B. Magruder was in command of our forces on the Pen-
insula, and he had all his “people,” as West Pointers called their
soldiers, continually on the alert. It was one o'clock at night
on about, say, the 20th of June. Except for the guards pacing
their rounds and those who were sitting about the “Head-
quarters of the Guard,” the camp was asleep, many no doubt
dreaming of the homes they had left behind them when sud-
denly came the startling sound of the long roll. How it did
rattle out upon the stillness of the night, for nobody could get
more out of a kettle drum than our little bare-footed drummer
(William Wanicker). Instantly the camp resounded with “Fall
in, fall in here men!” and many a devout prayer was no doubt
uttered, and perhaps some curses came from those who felt
themselves unduly hurried, as we scrambled puffing and blow-
ing up the bluff to the fortifications. These we manned at
once and got ready for the enemy. We waited, but the foe did
not come. A little after daylight Colonel Winston concluded
to go out in front and see what had become of him. Several
miles down the Peninsula we met an “Old Dominion Dragoon”
with the news that the enemy had thought better of it and
retired. We reached camp again in time to enjoy a dinner all
the more heartily because we had had no breakfast.

This was the first of “war's alarms” that came to us at
Yorktown, but time and again afterwards the Old Dominion
Dragoon was at hand with the news, “enemy coming.” During
all that long summer of 1861 there was no hour of the day
or night when the long roll might not, and indeed it would be
hard to name any particular hour of day or night when it did
not now and then, beat. One purpose of these frequent alarms
was to keep men and officers from straying from camp with-
out leave. They might be missed at roll call. The result was
many a malediction from the members of the 8th Alabama upon
the heads of the Old Dominion Dragoons — a “cowardly set
of buttermilk rangers, who would see a Yankee in every bush
that was shaken by the wind.”

Singularly slow we were in seeing that the “Old Dominion

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Dragoon” was doing his duty faithfully, and that this was only
a part of the drill to which our foxy old General was subjecting
us.

Many a march did we make down the Peninsula without
meeting the enemy, and nobody can tell to this day how often
‘‘the Yanks” had really been seen prowling* around, or how
often we were simply being drilled. What we all do remember,
however, is that on these marches Major Irby was in the habit
of riding along the lines crying out “Close up, men, close up!”
in a voice as stentorian as if he were trying to frighten the
enemy away; and he got the name of “Old Closeup.”

Portions of the regiment, however, did in the fall and
winter have three slight, but creditable skirmishes with the
enemy, on the lower part of the Peninsula, near Hampton. In
one of these Captain Cleveland of Co. H., acting as Major of
the Battalion, had his horse killed under him. In another,
December 22, 1861, Private John Case of Co. I., was killed, the
first of the Regiment to meet his fate at the hands of the enemy.

During our long encampment at Yorktown not only did
officers cease to call privates “Mr.,” but under the stern dis-
cipline of our gallant old Colonel we learned many other things
about the duties and responsibilities of soldiers and officers.
And now on the day of we moved down the Penin-

sula and encamped near Bethel. The move to the front was
to our Colonel's liking, for he always longed to be near the
enemy. General Magruder however thought the position se-
lected for our camp too exposed, and ordered us back to Har-
wood’s Mill, about four miles below Yorktown, where we built
comfortable winter quarters. This Colonel Winston charac-
teristically named “Camp Prudence.” While here the Colonel
was several times called on to enforce the policy he had rigidly
adhered to, that while officers might drink in moderation, all
intoxicating liquors were absolutely forbidden to non-commis-
sioned officers and privates. An old citizen named Thompson
came one day into camp with a $50.00 counterfeit bill which
he complained that a private named (George N.) Cady had given
him in exchange for a gallon of whiskey and $47.50 good money.
Thompson had previously been punished by the Colonel for the
offense of whiskey selling and he was now told that Cady had

19 7 7

served him right, and further, that if he ever came back to
the camp again he would be hanged “as high as Haman.”

On another occasion the Colonel having -seized from a
neighboring house where spirits were being sold to his soldiers,
two barrels of whiskey which was to be used for hospital pur-
poses, placed it for safekeeping in a tent with a guard in front.
Two soldiers slit the back of the tent, bored into a barrel and
drew out a bucketful. John Barleycorn overcame them, they
were detected, and for punishment, each of them facing the
other, the culprits were compelled in front of Headquarters to
mark time, repeating the following:

“A. I’m the man that stole Colonel Winston’s whis-
key.”

“B. You’re a d — d liar — I stole it myself!”

And now the writer was one day sent with a squad of men
to make a thorough search of the neighboring house of a Mrs.
Forname, charged with selling whiskey to the regiment. The
old lady indignantly denied the charge, handed up her keys
and said “search,” Finally, somewhat mollified by my heart-
felt apology for the unpleasant duty I was executing under
orders she consented to accompany the writer and a file of
men in their search. At last, the unsuccessful quest being over
and the old lady having been warmly congratulated on the re-
sult, her wrath, which had been pent up as she followed us
through the house and hothouses, broke loose, and never while
life lasts can the scene that followed be forgotten.

“I do not blame you, sir,” she said: “You have apologized
for what you have been ordered to. But I know who it is that
has brought this indignity upon me. It is that scoundred

of your provost guard. He came to me saying

he was sick and needed some whiskey. Because he was sick,
and because he was a Confederate soldier, I let him have, at
the price I gave for it, the only bottle of whiskey I had.” “And
now,” she said — and as she raised her thin hands and glit-
tering eyes toward Heaven, she reminded me of Charlotte
Cushman in the scene where as the “Witch of Endor” she ut-
tered that terrible imprecation against her enemies, “I pray to

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

God that in the very first battle in which that man is engaged
his head may be blown off by a cannon ball ! ;>

At the siege of Yorktown, his first battle, less than four

months afterwards, ’s head was blown off by a

cannon ball.

While at Camp Prudence, the 8th Alabama furnished,
March 20, 1862, to the newly organized 28th Alabama all its
field officers, viz : Lieutenant Colonel Frazier as Colonel, First
Lieutenant John C. Reid of Co. A. as Lieutenant Colonel, and
Captain T. W. W. Davies of Co. B. as Major of the new regi-
ment. Indeed, quite a number of our men, as well as officers
were during the first year transferred, receiving commands in
other regiments.

Davies and Kautz

Captain Davies, who now left us, had graduated at the
U. S. Naval Academy in 1856, with Albert Kautz of Ohio.
They had been room-mates for four years. Davies when last
heard from was in California, Kautz I came to know well, when
I was in the U. S. Navy Department. He is an officer of the
highest character, now Rear Admiral, retired, and from his
lips I recently had this story:

In 1861 Kautz, still in the U. S. Navy, off the coast of
North Carolina, was put by his Captain in charge of a small
captured vessel to take into New York as prize. The prize was
recaptured by a vessel that had been armed and set afloat as a
man-of-war by the Governor of North Carolina, that state not
having yet entered the Confederacy. Kautz was paroled by the
Governor, and the young navai officer was being the recipient
in North Carolina of many hospitalities when, the Confederacy
having been formed and the seat of government removed to
Richmond, Kautz found himself suddenly immured in “Castle
Thunder” in Richmond. The Governor of North Carolina pro-
tested that this was in violation of the parole he had taken
from Lieutenant Kautz, but President Davis replied that he
no v/ had jurisdiction and that the parole could not be recognized
by the Confederacy. The Albemarle, a Confederate privateer,
had been captured by the U. S. Navy, its officers were now

19 7 7

prisoners in New York, and the U. S. Government had published
its intentions to hang them as pirates. Mr. Davis had retaliated
with the threat to hang Kautz. So matter stood when Davies,
now Captain of the 8th Alabama, visited his former chum in
prison at Richmond, and avowed his intention to have him
released. Kautz replied that the effort would be futile, citing
the failure of North Carolina’s Governor, who had paroled him ;
but Davies persisted and at once interviewed the President.
Mr. Davis was firm. Davies urged that if Kautz were sent
to Washington he could effect an exchange of himself for the
Captain of the Albemarle. Mr. Davis said laughingly, that to
make a commissioner of exchange of prisoner of war would be a
curious proceeding, and further, that the powers at Washington
would not recognize Kautz’s parole, but instead would keep him,
and the Confederacy would then have no naval prisoner to hang
in retaliation. Davies replied:

“Mr. President, I will stake my life on Kautz. If he doesn’t
return, you may hang me in his place.”

Mr. Davis, saying that this was Damon and Pythias over
again, finally consented. Kautz went to Washington and im-
mediately to President Lincoln, whom he found alone. Mr. Lin-
coln was much impressed with Kautz’ story, and eventually said,
“Well, Seward claims that he ought to be the mother of all
the chickens that are hatched about here,” and immediately sent
for the Secretary of State. When Seward heard the proposi-
tion he flew into a great rage, saying that the officers of the
Albemarle were pirates and should hang. Kautz replied : “Mr.
Secretary, I was taught international law at the Naval Academy.
A part of our course was the great letter of Secretary (William
L.) Marcy, in which he justified the refusal of the United States
to sign the Treaty of Paris, on the ground that privateering was
legitimate warfare.”

Seward said, “Young man, you know nothing about this
question.” But Lincoln told Kautz to come back next morning.
At a cabinet meeting held that night all the Cabinet except
Seward voted for the exchange, and so exchanges began.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER III
The Siege of Yorktown.

“Camp Prudence,” that had been further to the rear than
our fighting Colonel thought necessary, had nevertheless been
one of Magruder’s outposts, and our many marches, though to
ps they had appeared useless, had, with no doubt like ma-
noeuvers made by others, created the impression at Fortress
Monroe that Magruder’s command was far more formidable than
it really was; and now the belief thus generated was to exert
an influence over the campaign for the capture of Richmond
which, with the lights at present before us, it is difficult to
overestimate. Had he only known that Magruder, instead of
the large army he was believed to command, had less than
13,000 men with which to defend the stretch of ten miles be-
tween the York and the James, (General George B.) McClellan,
with the 100,000' troops he commanded at Old Point (Com-
fort), and his gun boats to flank Magruder by going up the
York River, could with ease have driven back, even if he had
not destroyed or captured, our little army long before Gen-
eral (Joseph E.) Johnston could have come to its relief. In
that case there would have been no time within which to make
the combinations that preceded the seven days battle in which
the Federals were hurled back from Richmond. War is a deep
game. To the rank and file it is simply blind man’s buff.
Curious now it is for us of the old 8th Alabama to look back
and recall how slowly and unwillingly we learned this lesson.
As an illustration of the way in which we gradually took it
in. Ope day, as the regiment was making one of its moves
from our camp at Yorktown, a private of Co. A. who had
always been on intimate terms with his Captain, Royston, said
in a confidential tone: “Captain, you know you can trust me —
Where are we going?” The tall Captain bent down and whis-
pered: “You promise me sacredly that you will never say any-
thing about what I tell you?” “Yes,” was the eager and
and expectant reply. “Well,” said Royston, “I don’t know a
d thing about it more than you do !”

When McClellan began his advance up the Peninsula we
left Harwood’s Mill, April 3, 1862, and took position at Wynne’s

1 9 7 7

Mill, which was on the line between the two rivers, that,
Magruder had determined to hold, as best he might, when
McClellan should advance. Along this line our wily General had
already constructed fortifications. These consisted of earthen
breastworks, more or less efficient, and in front of them
entrenchments, at some places, ponds had been made by dam-
ming a little stream while in front at other points there were
such cheveaux-des-frizes as could be conveniently constructed.
Some of our little army, we now discovered had been digging
while we were out in front, at Bethel, or “Camp Prudence,”
or marching around over the Peninsula.

The right of the 8th during the siege rested at Wynnes
Mill, and the mill pond was in our front. Here on the 5th of
April, we first heard the whistle of a bomb shell, McClellan's
forces having begun a vigorous shelling, which was briskly
replied to from our side. In a day or two sharpshooters began
to appear along our line; a body of these having taken position
in a wood and in a small house in front of the right of the
8th. Captain Royston of Co. A. was ordered to cross the dam
and dislodge them. Deployed as skirmishers, Co. A advanced.
As the tall form of the gallant Captain (he was 6 feet, 7
inches high) loomed up in the open field in front of us, we
expected momentarily to see him fall, so conspicuous was he
as a mark for sharpshooters; but he performed his task with-
out the loss of a man.

Shelling and sharpshooting continued on both sides by day
and often at night. No serious attempt to break our lines was
made until the 15th of April, when the enemy, after at first
a partial success, were repulsed with very considerable loss
at Dam No. 2, some two or three miles to our right.

Our little army had been keeping at bay nearly ten times
its numbers till General Johnston's army began, on the 10th
of April, to arrive. General McClellan’s assaults on the lines
we occupied, from April 5th to May 3rd, now constitute in
history the “Siege of Yorktown,” just as if we, who were
stretched in a thin line behind the temporary breastworks
extending over ten miles in a comparatively open country, with
a river navigable by the enemy's gun boats on either flank,

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

had. been beleagured in a fort. It was against these that opera-
tions were conducted as a siege. The Federal General had
concluded after his repulse at Dam. No. 2 not to risk another
assault, and sent for siege-guns that would make our little
earthworks absolutely untenable. It took time to get and have
these mounted behind fortifications, constructed out of reach
of our little field pieces.

During the siege the 8th Alabama lost four men killed and
wounded. McClellan was a month making ready for his final
assault, and to us it was a month of trial and hardships. Cold
wintry rains were almost as incessant as the shelling by the
enemy. Little shelter did we: get from the drenching rains,
and when we slept it was always within reach of our arms.
One-third of each regiment was required to be in the trenches
all through every night. We dug incessantly, to strengthen our
works and to construct ditches or covered ways through which
to communicate with the wagons in our rear. The enemy soon
learned our range, and the shells from their splendid guns burst
over our heads with remarkable accuracy. But against their
field pieces, the siege guns not having arrived, our rapidly
improving embankments furnished great protection. We soon
learned that it took some seconds for a projectile to travel
1,200 or 1,500 yards after leaving the mouth of a gun, and
whenever guns were opening upon us only at intervals the
cry of “look out/’ was a signal for everybody to get below
the breastworks. Many were the laughs indulged in about the
manner in which this or that man ducked or dodged. Two boy
soldiers of Co. F from Butler County, Clem Gore and Charley
Tisdale, were playing “seven up” one day behind the breast-
works, and just as Charley, who was a wag as well as a dare-
devil, had begun to deal the cards the cry came “look out!”
Charley, calculating on the coming dodge, hurried along with
the deal and at the moment when the shell burst over them
and Clem “ducked his head,” Charley slipped a jack to the
top and exclaimed, “There, Clem. Fve turned jack!”

The writer will never forget a shad supper he lost one
night during that siege. He was in charge of a fatigue party
digging a “covered way” to the rear. No shells had been falling
near the working party and much to my delight Captain

19 7 7

(Julius A.) Robbins, my Quartermaster friend, invited me to
a supper of fresh shad and coffee in a cabin just at hand. No
lights had been allowed to diggers, but to the eating of a shad
at ten o’clock at night a light was essential. As the door of
the cabin was to be leeward of the enemy’s fire and was shut
and there was no window on the side towards the enemy,
Captain Robbins thought he had chosen a safe place for the
supper; but the light of our candle must have been gleaming
through a chink. The Captain’s cook, John, was coming towards
me with a plate of shad in one hand and a big tin cup full of
smoking coffee in the other, when suddenly a shell burst just
over the cabin, a fragment of it tearing away some of the
shingles from the roof with a tremendous crash. In a twinkling
of an eye coffee and shad were on the floor, the door was burst
open, and up the road, was heard the horse that was bearing
John away. The laugh in which Captain Robbins indulged I
should have enjoyed much more if only I had first had my
supper.

The writer recently visited the lines occupied during the
“Siege of Yorktown” and found still existing some of McClellan’s
emplacements for siege guns half a mile in rear of his breast-
works in front. Wynne’s Mill and the dam have disappeared.
The place is grown over with trees and could only be located
with the aid of a guide.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER IV
Battle of Williamsburg

On the night of the third of May we left our trenches at
Yorktown to “ge t from under” the siege guns of McClellan, who
had at length made ready for the work before him and proposed
to open these guns upon us on the 4th of May; but on that
day our army had disappeared in the direction of Williamsburg.

Colonel Winston had been taken sick during the siege, was
now absent, and the command had devolved upon Lieutenant
Colonel Irby, who had been promoted upon the resignation of
Lieutenant Colonel Frazier. Captain Royston had becomei
Major and the regiment part of a brigade commanded by Briga-
dier General Roger A. Pryor.

Having toiled along over the muddy roads that stretched
between our trenches, and Williamsburg, we found ourselves
on the 5th of May confronting General McClellan’s pursuing
forces at Williamsburg. General Johnston knew of course that
McClellan could not have already brought up his siege guns.
If at hand they certainly would have been useful, as along this
our second intended line of defense, a series of earthen redoubts,
although only at rare intervals, had already been constructed.

It was not General Johnston’s intention to make other than
a temporary stand at W’illiamsburg, and therefore it became
necessary, in making the most of the relatively small force
ordered to stop there, to divide the 8th Alabama into four dif-
ferent battalions, detaching these to guard different portions of
the line. Major Royston in command of Companies C, E, and
H, was posted to the left of our line to support some artillery ;
Captain Herbert, commanding Companies F, G, and two small
pieces of artillery, occupied a redoubt on our extreme right;
Captain (Duke) Nall, in charge of Companies K, and B, was
in Fort Magruder, where he exchanged a few shots with the
enemy’s skirmishers. Lieutenant Colonel Irby, with Companies
A, D, and I, at about seven o’clock in the morning took posi-
tion near the center of our line in support of the 14th Louisiana
Regiment.

19 7 7

At about 4 p.m., Colonel Irby was ordered, under the di-
rection of Captain (P. T.) Manning, Aide-de-Camp, to advance
upon the enemy, who were in his front in thick woods. A misty
rain had been falling all day, and this, together with the smoke
of battle, rendered objects obscure even at a few rods distance.
A line of the enemy about thirty yards in our front was mis-
taken by Captain Manning for our own troops, and he called
out: “Don’t fire Alabamians, these are our friends!” They,

hearing him, took advantage of the mistake and cried out: “Yes,
we are your friends, Alabamians,” and almost immediately
poured a volley into our men. The gallant Colonel Irby fell dead,
yet the battalion though staggered did not break, but charging,
routed the enemy and held possession of the ground. Captain
Loughry took command, and being assigned a position by Briga-
dier General R(obert) H. Anderson, held it until ordered to fall
back at night.

General Pryor in his report, O. R. Series I, Vol. XI, Part I,
p. 588, says that Colonel Irby “fell at the first volley, that,
imitating his heroic example, his command behaved in the most
admirable manner, and that they maintained their ground to
the end of the battle.” (See also same volume, General (George
Edward) Pickett’s report giving particulars, as related here.

The loss of the three companies was twenty-eight killed,
wounded or missing.

There was a general order in our command which was of
singular military value in our army, allowing the non-com-
missioned officers and men of each company, after a battle to
select from their number for the roll of honor soldiers who,
during the engagement had most distinguished themselves. This
order recognized and utilized the democratic spirit that per-
vaded our troops. It gave each individual soldier a voice in
deciding upon and awarding among his fellows the prize of
“gallantry,” and the spirit of justice and even generosity that
prevailed in the election of names, contributed much towards
the splendid morale of the regiment. The decisions reached
were always implicitly accepted. This order, the origin of which
is not now recalled, seems from all that can be ascertained, to
have nowhere else so faithfully been observed as in the 8th
Alabama.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The roll at Wililamsburg was as follows:

Private W(illiam) II. Duke, Co. A., killed
Private J(ohn) R. Phillips, Co. C.

Corporal W(illiam) H. Powell, Co. D., killed
Private James Canavan, Co. I.

The battalion that fought under the lamented Colonel Irby
that day distinguished itself by its gallant conduct. It was a
Jersey regiment of (Major General Daniel E.) Sickles' brigade
that was in their front. The battle of Williamsburg was fought
chiefly by (General James) Long-street’s Division, left as a rear
guard to secure the safe retreat of Johnston’s army. The enemy
in Longstreet’s front were repulsed with heavy losses. During
the day D. H. Hill’s Division had been marched back and four
of his regiments were defeated in an attack on entrenchments
Hancock had seized on our left. Williamsburg was a Confed-
erate success; it practically put an end to the Federal pursuit.
Their losses were reported at 2,289, including wounded and
missing; our-s, 1,560. The Confederate captured about 400
prisoners, brought away five cannons and capture five others
which were destroyed.

On the morning of the 6th the regiment resumed its march
towards Richmond and the enemy, severely checked at Williams-
burg, followed warily. The weather was bad, the mud so deep
that often artillery and other wagons could only be moved by
soldiers helping at the wheels. To complete our discomfort we
were much of the time without food. Once, on this march of
some days to Long Bridge on the Chickahominy, the regiment
had nothing to eat for about thirty hours, and our long fast
wafe broken by the slaughter of some cattle, which, in the ab-
sence of our cooking utensils, had to be roasted on coals, and
eaten without salt or bread. Tough beef, served up in that style,
was not a palatable dish, even to men as hungry as we were.

19 7 7

CHAPTER V
Battle of Seven Pines.

The Regiment was now encamped near Richmond, and
while here Colonel Winston had returned and was in command
on the 31st of May at the battle of Seven Pines. On that
morning the Regiment marched towards the scene of action,
but we were in reserve and did not take part in the fight of
this day. After nightfall we were moved forward and occupied
a portion of the field from which the enemy, (Brigadier General
Silas) Casey’s Division, had been routed, and here the writer,
now Major, was ordered with a detail of 300 men to look after
and gather up the wounded on both sides. Casey had been
attacked while his men were cooking and what we now saw
in camp indicated clearly how complete at that point our victory
had been. Men had dropped everything where it was. Pots
were still swinging over fires still smouldering ; bacon, crackers,
sugar, coffee, clothing and other paraphernalia of camp were
promiscuously scattered; still standing, here and there, were
'Sutlers’ tents filled with canned foods, liquors in great variety,
and knick-knacks, such as Confederate soldiers had of late
seen only in their dreams. We exulted of course in all these
evidences of success, but it soon became painfully evident that
our victory, that afternoon at this point, had not been won
without great sacrifices. The Federal wounded were more
numerous than ours, but though we relieved hundreds of
wounded Federals, we came upon many a poor Confederate who
also sadly needed our help. A brother-in-law of the writer,
George Cook, of the 6th Alabama, lay dead on that field, but
it was fortunately not for me to find his body. We were not
examining the dead, only answering the piteous cries of the
wounded that came up to us from all sides.

At 3 o’clock in the morning we finished our task. The
writer, taking shelter from the rain, crawled into a little
tent. Inside was a man sprawled out, occupying nearly the whole
space. Lying down by his side I shook him and said, ‘‘Get
further!” He was dead and already stiff. Another tent was
found close by.

Early next morning we were in a hot fight. Our brigade,

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Pryor’s, was orde" 1 forward, the 8th Alabama in front. There
was heavy firing jparently some half mile away. We halted
for a -short time in the Williamsburg road, listening to. the
sounds of battle and awaiting orders. The writer sat upon
his horse close by Company C. My friend Captain Leonard
Summers of that company placing his hand upon my kneee,
looked up into my face and recited, with a pathos that is still
ringing in my ears:

“A soldier of the Legion
lay dying at Algiers,

There was a lack of woman’s nursing,
there was dearth of woman’s tears,

But a comrade stood beside him

while his life-blood ebbed away
And bent with pitying glances
to hear what he might say.

The dying soldier faltered

as he took that comrade’s hand,

And he said, “I never more shall see
my own — my native land;

Take a message and a token,

to some distant friend of mine,

For I was born at Bingen —
at Bingen on the Rhine.

Tell my brothers and companions,

when they meet and crowd around,

To hear my mournful story

in the pleasant vineyard ground,

That we fought the battle bravely,
and when the day was done
Full many a corpse lay ghastly pale
beneath the setting sun.”

At about this point the recital was interrupted by the order,
“Forward!” and within twenty minutes from that time poor
Summers was no more. While marching through the thick
woods by the right flank in quick time towards the sound of
the firing, with no skirmishers or flankers out, and during
the crossing of a boggy branch, which necessarily scattered our

19 7 7

files, a body of the enemy, who were in line close by our right
and whose presence was not suspected, suddenly poured a most
destructive volley into our ranks. This was from the side that
was properly the rear of the regiment. The officers and file
closers were therefore all between our men and the enemy’s line.

About forty of the regiment, including Captain Summers
of Co. C., Captain Loughry, Co. I., and First Lieutenant Joshua
Kennedy of Co. H., fell at the first volley from the enemy. The
regiment thus surprised fell back in disorder, some 100 yards,
and here rallied and made a stand, and facing by the rear rank
here held its ground against the enemy, who advanced upon
us as they fired. In repelling this attack the 8th was mate-
rially aided by the 14th Alabama regiment, which had been
following us and was now on our right as we faced the enemy.

When the enemy opened fire upon us, Major Herbert was
at his place on the right of the left wing of the regiment as it
was advancing through the wood, and was therefore between
the regiment and the enemy. By the same volley that killed
Captains Summers and Loughry and Lieutenant Kennedy, the
Major’s horse seemed to have been injured; at any rate the
horse would not move when the regiment fell back to the left,
but for a time stood still, shivering; and as soon as the 8th
had sufficiently recovered from the shock of its surprise to
begin firing, the writer was between the two fires, and thus
got the credit from some of the correspondents of Northern
newspapers, to which he was not entitled, of being voluntarily
out in front of our lines. The writer of course used his pistol
freely while his horse thus stood still, but as soon as the horse
would move he turned and rode rapidly in the direction from
which the regiment had come, to get out of the cross firing.
I had not ridden, perhaps, more than forty yards in the thick
bushes when my horse made a stumbling fall. When I regained
my feet I thought I was among my own people and at once
ordered them to “stop straggling and get into line.” The fact
that they were dressed in blue did not keep me from thinking
that they were our men, because on the night before, in Casey’s
camp, our men had almost every one of them supplied themselves
with blue overcoats ; and the air too, was now thick with dense
smoke.

62 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Soon afterwards The Philadelphia Inquirer printed a letter
from its war correspondent, dated, “Battlefield, June 2, 1862,”
in which the following appeared referring to my capture:

“Major Herbert of the 8th Alabama Regiment, was
taken prisoner at this time. His horse had been shot
under him, and as he fell he received a shot in his side.

He sprang to his feet, however, almost instantly, and
seeing several of our men in front of him, mistook them
for some of his own regiment.

“Rally once more, boys!’ he cried; but they corrected
his mistake by presenting their bayonets and demand-
ing him to surrender, which he did with all the grace
and finish that an original Secessionist, as he after-
wards informed me he was, could do under the cir-
cumstances.”

I do not print the whole letter of this correspondent, because
he makes the absolutely untenable statement that our regiment
fired the first volley, when the fact was that by reason of
our having out no skirmishers or flankers, the enemy’s opening
volley took the regiment by complete surprise.

The loss of the regiment was 131 killed, wounded and miss-
ing. Lieutenant Robert R. Scott of Company H, and Lieutenant
John McGrath (of Company I) were among the officers men-
tioned for gallantry, and the roll of honor for Seven Pines was:

Sergeant Frank (Francis K.) Williams, Co. A., killed
Private W. A. Hall, Co. B.

Private J(oseph) B. Tallen, Co. C.

Corporal Eli Shortridge, Co. D., killed.

Private John D. Deaton, Co. E.

Private George W. Lee, Co. F.

Private Charles Hippier, Jr., Co. G., killed
Private John Caney, Co. I.

Private J. D. Garrison, Co. K.

The Confederates ought to and would have won a great victory
at Seven Pines, or Fair Oaks, if Johnston’s plans had been car-
ried out. McClellan’s army was divided by the Chickahominy

1 9 V 7

river, his left wing, less than half of his army, being south of
the river. Johnston proposed to destroy this wing before it
could be reinforced by rapidly concentrating upon it his superior
forces.

But his combinations failed, attacks were made in detail
and not in concert. Some succeeded, others failed. Many
commands never reached the front at all. What Generals were
at fault is not here discussed, but there were misunderstandings
of orders, great want of knowledge of roads, playing at cross
purposes, and an utter failure to combine efficiently. Johnston
was wounded, McClellan reinforced his left wing and held his
ground. The Confederate losses were 6,134 — Federal losses
5,031.

Colonel Winston at Seven Pines behaved with great gal-
lantry, but his health had never been vigorous enough to permit
him to withstand the hardships of campaign life, and on the
16th of June he resigned. Command of the regiment now de-
volved upon Lieutenant Colonel Royston, and about this time
the 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th and 14th Alabama regiments were in-
corporated into what was subsequently the historic Wilcox’s
Brigade of Alabamians, commanded by (Brigadier) General
Cadmus M. Wilcox.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER VI

The Seven Days Around Richmond.

When the great battles around Richmond began the regi-
ment, though it moved several times, was not actively engaged
until it took part on the 27th of June in the successful assault
on the strongly fortified position of Gen. Fitz John Porter at
Gaines’ Mill.

Here the front line of the enemy occupied a work con-
structed of fallen timber at the foot of the hill on which Gaines’
dwelling house is situated. This ditch was about six feet wide
and three to four feet in depth. In front the approach to it
was impeded by an abattis of fallen timber covered with brush
and briars. About 100 yards in rear of this line and on top
of the hill, which was a very commanding eminence, was a sec-
ond line of fortifications, manned by infantry and artillery.
The 8th and 9th formed our second line of attack. The writer
being still prisoner at Fort Delaware was not present at the
engagement, and copies from the official report of the battle
by General Wilcox, our Brigadier, the following:

“Nothing could surpass the valor and impetuosity of our
men. They encountered the enemy in larger force and directly
in their front, behind two lines of breastworks, the second over-
looking the first, and from behind this, as well as the first,
a close and terrible fire of musketry is poured upon them. The
bed of a small stream at their feet and between them and the
enemy is used as a rifle pit and from this a strong line of fire
is also brought to bear upon us. Thus exposed to the three
lines of fire they bravely confront it ail and press forward and
close in on the enemy. Now there is a slight halt and some
wavering and a few men give way, but a second supporting
line is near — the 8th and 9th Alabama press on in rear of
the 11th and 10th Alabama, and (Brigadier General Winfield
Scott) Featherston in the rear of Pryor. The first, impulse
is more than redoubled. Other brigades come in on the left of
Pryor, and in rear of where we are so hotly engaged. Our men
still press on with unabated fury. The enemy at length with
but a few yards between them and our men are shaken and be-
gin to yield. Our men full of confidence rush with irresistable

19 7 7

force upon him and he is driven from his rifle pits pell mell
over his first breastwork of logs, and here he vainly attempts
to reform and show a bold front, but closely followed by our
men, he yields and is driven over and beyond his second ban-
quet of logs into the standing timber and finally into the open
field. Now for the first time cheers are heard from our troops
and the enemy is driven from his strong position. Our loss has
been up to this time severe, but now the enemy is made to
suffer; no longer screened by his breastworks or standing tim-
ber his slaughter is terrible. Our men have no difficulty in
chasing him before them in any and all directions. The pre-
cision of our fire is now demonstrated clearly. The number of
the enemy’s dead in regular lines mark in some places distinctly
where the lines of battle of their different regiments were
formed. The enemy yielding in all directions loses his battery
of Napoleon guns. Many prisoners are taken. We pursue them
far across the open field to the woods of the swamp of the
Chickahominy, and the pursuit is only arrested by night. The
victory is completed, the enemy is repulsed and pursued at
every point and those that escape falling into our hands do so
under the cover of the darkness and the night.

“Before closing this report I beg to say that the magnifi-
cent courage of our men as displayed in this action is worthy
of all praise. To properly appreciate the gallantry of those that
aided in the achievement of this brilliant victory, we have only
to examine the position occupied by the enemy’s infantry and to
recall the fact that the open field over which our men advanced
was swept by a direct fire of artillery, shot, shell, grane and
cannister, from the rear of the enemy’s infantry and from an
enfilade fire from batteries of rifled cannon from beyond the
Chickahominy. The enemy’s infantry, as previously stated, oc-
cupied the bed of a small stream as a rifle pit, and on the as-
cending ground in the rear of this were two lines of log breast-
works, behind which sheltered in comparative security were
heavy masses of their infantry. Three lines of infantry could
thus be used against our men at the same time and within less
than 100 yards. In driving the enemy from this strong posi-
tion our loss was heavy, but we should be profoundly grateful
that it was not more so.

“Of the officers killed and severely wounded, I may men-

60 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tion the names of —

Capt. Thomas Phelan (Co. A.) - — killed

Lieutenant C. M. Maynard (Co. B.) — killed

Lieutenant W. H. Lane (Co. F.) — killed

Lieutenant August Jansen (Co. G.) — killed

“Lieutenant Colonel Y. L. Royston, commanding the 8th
Alabama, was with his regiment during the entire engagement
and commanded it with great courage and good judgment, and
the losses sustained by this regiment, the weakest in numbers,
is evidence of the severity of the contest in which it was engaged.

“Among the medical officers on duty v/ith the Brigade, I
may call to your favorable notice Robert T. Royston, 8th Ala-
bama, acting as Brigade Surgeon,” etc. 0. R. Ser. I, Vol. XI,
Part II, pp. 773-4-5.

Following is the men’s roll of honor at Gaines’ Mill:

Corporal Samuel L. Cochran, Co. A., killed.

Private R. T. Bush, Co. B.

Private John G. Shields, Co. C., killed.

Private W. E. Donoho, Co. D.

Sergeant J. B. Milner, Co. F.

Third Sergeant C. F. Walker, Co. G.

Private W. H. McGraw, Co. H.

Private Hugh McKewn, Co. 1.

Private John W. Griffin, Co. K.

In this bloody encounter the regiment numbering 400 on
the field lost 149 killed and wounded.

Among the killed was our gallant color-bearer Sergeant
Michael Sexton, of Co. I. He had been wounded in the first
skirmish in which the regiment was engaged. Corporal Phelan
Harris carried the colors bravely after the fall of Sergeant
Sexton and was, on the field, appointed color sergeant for gal-
lantry.

Captain G. W. Hannon of Co. B. received a wound in this
battle, of which he afterwards died. This officer had so strong

19 7 7

a presentiment that this battle was to be his last, that just
before entering it, he gave to a friend his watch, and a message
to his family. He was a very brave man, had never before been
troubled with any such presentiment, and even now. in spite of
the feeling that this was his last battle, he was cool and col-
lected, and all the time at his post.

On the following day the regiment was engaged in burying
the dead and gathering arms.

Frazier's Farm

On the 27th of June the regiment marched to the Richmond
side of the Chickahominy, and in the direction of the battlefield
of Frazier's Farm, and in it occurred some of the most obstinate
fighting of the war. It was an attempt to carry out General
Lee's plan of crushing the enemy by concentrating a heavy force
upon them as they were making their way in retreat towards
their gunboats on the James River. For reasons which it is
not intended here to discuss, there was a failure on the part of
other commands to cooperate, and therefore some 16,000 of
Lee's troops attacked about 25,000 of the enemy, who were
well posted in good positions and supported in the progress
of the fight by heavy reserves that were nearby. On our right
the 11th Alabama captured (Captain Alanson M.) Randol's bat-
tery. After desperate hand-to-hand struggle with the enemy's
reinforcements; the 11th was compelled to fall back as did the
Federals. The battery was left between the lines, but it was
finally secured by the Confederates with other guns and some
prisoners, the battle continuing far into the night. The
Federals were finally coming forward with heavy rein-
forcements, when they were induced to retire by a ruse of
(Major General) A(mbrose) P. Hill. Our brigade, which had
previously fallen back, was ordered to come forward cheering
“long and loudly.” The enemy supposed fresh troops had ar-
rived, and retired. Our boys had obeyed Hill's order with a
will and were delighted to win a battle in that way.

This action was fought on the 30th of June. The regiment
was now quite small. It took post on the left of our line. The
enemy was in our front with artillery and infantry, and had a
line of reserves immediately at hand. Just before the advance
was ordered, an officer, supposed to be an Aide, came down the

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

line ordering the troops to give way to the left. Our regiment
by thus moving to the left created a gap of about 200 yards
between it and the next regiment on the right. The order was
now given to advance, seeing which Colonel Koyston also
moved forward through the open field between us and the
enemy. Advancing steadily under heavy fire, losing men at
every step, the regiment gained a point within thirty yards
of the enemy's battery from which the gunners were driven
back. The enemy's first line of infantry too gave way, but now
came up their reserves. Against these fresh troops our thinned
and exhausted ranks could not make way. These new troops
had come upon our left and having no one in their front, poured
on us a deadly oblique fire. Our right was also being com-
pelled by overwhelming forces to retire, and Colonel Royston
now gave the order to fall back, about which time he himself
fell wounded. The regiment fell back to the woods from which
it had advanced. Here Captain Cleveland took command of the
handful of men left and advanced again to the attack, but though
he made a most determined effort, we were unable to carry the
enemy's position.

The writer, who was still in prison and not present at this
battle, has taken the above account from the official history
written by him in camp in 1864, referred to in the preface.
It was carefully compiled from statements made to the writer
at the time by those who had participated in the fight.

Colonel Royston was mentioned for gallantry in General
Wilcox's report.

The regiment in this fight lost 60 killed and wounded —
more than half the number carried into the fight.

Color sergeant Phelan Harris had the flag staff severed
in his hands by a musket ball, but was not injured. Private
W(illiam) A. Ryan of Company E. was afterwards made Lieu-
tenant for his gallantry on this field.

An incident of this battle well illustrates the spirit that
animated our soldiers. Little Charley Tisdale of Company F.,
the youngest boy in the regiment, had been sick and absent at
Seven Pines; at Gaines' Mill he had been wounded in the be-

19 7 7

ginning of the charge, and in this fight, as the regiment while
advancing was crossing a fence, a rail, struck by a shell from
the enemy’s battery, knocked his knee out of joint, and the
regiment went on, leaving poor Charley on the ground, crying
as if his heart would break. An officer coming by sought to
rally the boy, telling him he must be a soldier and not cry
because he was wounded. Charley indignantly replied:

“I am not crying because I am hurt, but because these
d — d Yankees won’t let me get a shot at them. They
knocked my gun out of my hand and wounded me at
Gaines’ Mill before I got a chance at ’em, and now then,
before I could fire my gun, they’ve knocked my leg out
of joint.’'

Poor littlei Charley, he was always brave in battle and
cheery in camp, but died from pneumonia a year later.

McClellan’s defeat by General Lee in the battles around
Richmond caused immense dissatisfaction at Washington. He
was soon afterwards removed and (Major General John) Pope
was put in command. McClellan here was the first to forfeit
command of the Army of the Potomac because he did not beat
Lee.

The regiment remained encamped near Richmond under
Captain Cleveland until the beginning of the Maryland cam-
paign. Major Herbert had now been exchanged and took com-
mand, and we left for Gordonsville on the 11th of August, 1862.
Wilcox’s Brigade was now a part of R. H. Anderson's Division
in Longstreet’s Corps. General Pope when he took charge of
the Federal Army of the Potomac boasted that in the West he
had never seen anything but “the backs of his enemies,” and,
as General McClellan had been much blamed at Washington for
being slow in his movements, this new commander, in token of
the rapidity with which he was to move on Richmond, began
by writing orders from “Headquarters in the Saddle.” One of
our wits said at that time that the new General did “not know
his headquarters from his hindquarters.” It was not many days
after that boastful order when Pope, with his eyes turned toward
Richmond and confidently believing that Lee’s whole army was
in his front across the Rappahannock, suddenly discovered that

70 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Jackson’s corps was burning his stores behind him at Manassas
Junction. Before he could turn his saddle front about and crush
Jackson, Lee was there with Longstreet’s Corps to help fight
the Battle of Manassas.

1 9 V 7

CHAPTER VII
Second Manassas.

Jackson by rapid circuitous march, leaving Lee in Pope’s
front on the Rappahannock, marched around Pope’s rear and
reached Manassas, finding there a vast depot of supplies. After
his men had helped themselves he burned the remainder and
disappeared. The next day, the 28th of June, he encountered
and fought a severe but not very decisive engagement with
(Brigadier General Rufus) King’s Division of the enemy. On the
29th Longstreet’s Corps, in which was Wilcox’s Brigade, was
hurrying to join Jackson, who was on that day hotly engaged
with a large portion of Pope’s army. Longstreet, about one
o’clock, began taking up his lines on the right of Jackson, who
during the day repulsed four successive assaults which had
been made with great vigor, and in which the assailants lost
heavily. The fighting was desperate and the losses heavy on
both sides. At some points during the battle the Federals were
temporarily successful, but the results of the day favored the
Confederates. Late in the afternoon some of Longstreet’s forces
materially aided Jackson, but Wilcox’s Brigade was not engaged.
Jackson just after nightfall withdrew somewhat behind the
position he had occupied during the day. Pope advised of this
movement wired Washington next morning that he was about
to crush the Confederates, who were on the retreat.

On the 30th Pope renewed his assault, and Longstreet
moved forward to the attack. Our brigade did not form a por-
tion of the first line, but was kept always within supporting
distance, so as to reinforce such portions of our line as might
need assistance. We occupied for brief spaces of time during
the battle many positions, very often eminences overlooking the
wide battlefield, but never did we halt for long. All day it was
one grand, onward, victorious sweep, and we were nearly always
moving obliquely forward, now from right to left and then from
left to right, behind our advancing lines in the battle, but not
of it. In front of us and sometimes over our heads, shells were
bursting, shrapnel were shrieking, and the singing zip of min-
nie balls was in our ears. Some of the projectiles were aimed
especially at us, but most of the deadly missiles whizzing and

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

whirring about us were intended for our friends in front; and
yet we did not get to fire a shot that day. Nowhere did our
troops in our immediate front fail to drive the enemy, until just
at the close of the battle near nightfall.

It was a glorious spectacle, that panorama greeting our
eyes, and thrilling our hearts with an enthusiasm such as it is
never given mortal to know, save only in the smoke of victorious
battle. Manassas the Second was spread out over a vast plain
composed of a succession of level plateaus. From our eminence
where we halted for further orders we saw stretching far to
the left one behind another three long lines of blue, the blue
lines flecked here and there by groups of red-capped artillery.
Their polished bayonets were gleaming and their brass field
pieces were glistening in the sunlight, and everywhere, above
the artillery and above the infantry, banners were waving.
These embattled hosts of the enemy had now become veterans-
Defeat had not curbed their proud spirits. In the distance
where inequalities, if there were any, could not be observed,
these lines of infantry appeared to be moving like clock-work.
Jackson was on our left, and along his front the enemy was
attacking. At one point near Jackson’s right three lines of
infantry were advancing, their alignment seemingly perfect, as,
with measured tread they moved forward. Not a puff of smoke
obscured the spectacle; nearer and nearer marched the brave
fellows, when suddenly, at a distance of 300 yards, came a
cannon shot from Jackson’s line. The projectile seemed to have
struck the lower end of the flag-staff, in the front line. Down
went the color-bearer and up went the flag in the air; but the
flag did not reach the ground. Another had caught it, and as
he waved it aloft the line continued forward. But they could
not withstand the withering fire of musketry that greeted them
when closer by. Their first line staggered while it discharged
its. volleys, struggled forward a few steps, and halted, still
firing, then began to break by twos and threes, and finally
went back many of the gallant fellows turning to discharge
their pieces as they retreated. When the break began and as
the confusion increased officers here and there were to be seen
waving their swords in the effort to reform the lines and go
forward, and many of them went down with their bright blades
glittering in the air; but finally it was clear that the assault

19 7 7

was a failure. The second and third lines were borne back with
the first, and the ground left behind them was strewn with the
dead and dying.

And now in our immediate front six pieces of the Wash-
ington (Louisiana) artillery occupying their place between
advancing lines of our infantry, on their right and left, were
charging across the plain. The two pieces on the right and the
two pieces on the left simultaneously galloped some fifty yards
forward and wheeling into line, as if on parade, unlimbered on
the enemy. In a few moments the two center pieces had gal-
loped forward and unlimbered fifty yards further to the front.
Now the other four were fifty yards in front, and, in their
turn as the enemy retreated, this charge of the Washington
artillery continued, four pieces and two pieces alternately for-
warding.

Such a drill as this was in the midst of the roar of guns
and the smoke of battle! To the right and to the left of the
glorious artillery the march of our victorious columns of in-
fantry continued. All along the line in our front it was onward,
and still onward: At one time we double-quicked far to the

right, to aid (Major General John Bell) Hood's Brigade, but
when we reached the scene of the struggle the Texans were
out of sight over a swale, and the field over which they had
marched was thickly strewn with the bodies of New York
Zouaves, with their picturesque red breeches and caps. It
recalls vividly the horrors of war to remember that, as we
looked upon the scene, one of our men cried out, “See, boys,
what a beautiful bed of roses!"

Late that evening the enemy succeeded in making a stand,
and with massed artillery saved from further pursuit at that
point their routed army. Our brigade was near by, and expected
an order to charge, but the order was not given.

Our loss during the day was seventeen killed and wounded.

Roll of Honor:

Corporal R(ichard) Murphy, Co. A.

Private James Jennings, Co. I.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The second battle of Manassas was the downfall of General
Pope. The second Federal General had been unhorsed by Gen-
eral Lee. Genral McClellan was again called to command the
army of the Potomac.

19 7 7

CHAPTER VIII
The Maryland Campaign

We crossed the Potomac into Maryland, near Leesburg,
on the 7th of September, and were present at and took part
in the investment and capture of Harper’s Ferry.

A portion of our army took position on the Maryland side
to prevent the enemy from escaping along the road leading
from Harper’s Ferry through Pleasant Valley. Ander-son’s
Division, including the 8th Alabama, was across the road.
From Hagerstown we had come into this valley through Cramp-
ton’s Gap in the mountains, and we now heard that the force
we left to guard the pass had been overwhelmed and the pass
carried, but fortunately for us this rumor was never verified.
What we knew was that McClellan was somewhere in our rear
with practically 100,000 men, and that our army was divided,
Jackson being over on the Virginia side, and that in between
us and Jackson was the fortified post, Harper’s Ferry, manned
by a large force. It proved to be 12,737 men. What we did
not know then, but do now, is that General McClellan at that
time knew exactly the disposition of all our troops. At Hagers-
town a copy of General Lee’s order intended for General D. H.
Hill and showing the disposition of our forces that were to cap-
ture Harper’s Ferry, had fallen into McClellan’s hands. The
approach to Harper’s Ferry on the Maryland side was guarded
by Maryland Heights, seemingly inaccessible. These had been
fortified and occupied. The river in front of the 8th Alabama
as we laid across the Pleasant Valley road could not be crossed
except by the single bridge leading into the town and held by
the enemy. Such was our situation for two days, we (Major
General Lafayette) McLaws and Anderson’s Divisions, about
three thousand of the besiegers cooped up, hemmed in and
apparently at the mercy of the enemy. Our salvation depended
upon the fall of the post; every officer and private knew it,
and the suspense was awful. McLaw’s Division soon captured
Maryland Heights, and turned their cannon against the town.
Jackson secured Loudon Heights on the Virginia side and south
of the Ferry, and with other troops had taken Bolivar Heights,
also on the Virginia side, when on the morning of the 15thi
the joyful tidings thrilled along our line like an electric flash,

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

that Harper’s Ferry with all its garrison, stores, and supplies,
had surrendered.

On the morning of the 16th we marched through the little
town and halted about one and a half miles from it on, the
Virginia side. Here we rested until near sunset, when we took
up the line of march for Shepherdstown. Longstreet’s Corps
that for two days had been contending in the mountain passes
near Boonsboro with McClellan’s forces, had fallen back in
the direction of Sharpsburg, and we were going to the rescue.
The regiment was already much fatigued by its marching and
ccunter-marching, and the incessant watching, and fatiguing
anxiety consequent upon the siege of Harper’s Ferry. The
night march to Shepherdstown was, therefore, trying in the
extreme. It was tramp, tramp, the whole night long; mounted
officers dozed on their horses, and the men fell asleep as they
stood at every one of the momentary halts caused by the tem-
porary and vexatious stoppings of the jaded teams that inter-
vened along the line.

It was away after midnight and during one of the “catnaps”
the whole regiment was taking on foot, when someone cried
out “Yankee Cavalry.” The shuffling of the many feet of the
awakening sleepers gave semblance to the cry, and in an in-
stant the road was clear. Even the old gray horse upon which
the writer sat asleep, a horse whose previous failure to take
any note of a bomb shell that had burst just after passing over
his rump the writer had attributed to stupidity — even this
old gray had partaken of the panic, and I awoke to find him
shivering in a briar patch into which he had jumped from road,
with me still in the saddle. In a moment the regiment obeyed
orders to get into line and hearty was the laughter when the
cause of the alarm was ascertained. It was the flapping of its
wings by a chicken in the feed trough of a quartermaster’s
wagon just ahead.

Panics are strange phenomena. The 8th Alabama never
took one when its eyes were open ; the very next day at Sharps-
burg, in the bloodiest single day’s battle of the civil war these
men fought, off and on, during the whole day in an open field,
eventually holding their ground, though losing in killed and
wounded sixty-five percent of their numbers.

19 7 7

We waded the river near Shepherdstown at sunrise, and
about seven in the morning, three miles away, reached Sharps-
burg.

Sharpsburg

The battle had already begun and was raging furiously.
Our brigade was drawn up and the roll was called, only 120
rank and file answering to their names in the 8th. The regi-
ment was small from its heavy losses in battle and from sick-
ness, and there were now many stragglers behind for want* of
shoes. The entire brigade had only two field officers present,
Major (Jere H. J.) Williams of the 9th, and the writer. Major
Williams being the ranking officer. Colonel (Alfred) Gum-
ming of a Georgia regiment, shortly afterwards appointed Briga-
dier General, was in command of our brigade.

As we were going forward towards the fight by the right
flank we passed close by our peerless leader, standing upon a
rock-crowned eminence overlooking the battlefield. With his
hat off to acknowledge the loud and continuous cheers we gave
him, the light of battle in his eye, the morning sun lighting up
his silvery hair and beard, his martial form outlined against
the blue sky, Lee, in the eyes of his men, amid the roar of
battle, on that rock at Sharpsburg, was a figure such as no
pen has ever described and no brush has; ever painted. He
seemed a very God of War!

The following account of the 8th Alabama in this battle
which General (E. Porter) Alexander in his “Memoirs” calls
“the boldest and bloodiest battle ever fought on this continent,”
is transcribed literally as written in camp at Orange, C. H.,
in 1864, and approved by the officers who were participants.
My' excuse for so publishing it is that no report was ever made
by myself, the last commander that day of Wilcox's Brigade,
nor by our Division General, R. H. Anderson, who was wounded
in the battle ; and it therefore happens that this report, written
in camp, for the Adjutant General of Alabama is the only offi-
cial report ever made of our part, or the part taken by Wilcox's
Brigade, in that battle, so far as I have been able to discover.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

“Leaving Sharpsburg to our right we made a detour to
our left, passing beyond the town and through open fields ex-
posed for a half mile to a withering fire of artillery. Rising
a hill into an apple orchard and still marching by the righ£
flank, we came within grape shot range of the enemy's, bat-
teries and within reach of their small arms. We moved for-
ward through a field of corn, which sloped downward from an
orchard (near Pfeiffer’s house), and went ‘forward in line/
on the right, opposite the enemy. (Before we had gotten into
line Colonel Cumming, commanding the brigade, was wounded
and compelled to leave the field.) The fight now became furi-
ous. Our Division occupied about the right center of the line,
our Brigade on the right of the Division. On the right of the
Brigade was a gap in the line unoccupied. (So great was this
gap that no Confederates were in sight on our right.) Before
getting into position we had lost heavily; Captain Nall had been
temporarily disabled by a shell and Lieutenant (A. H.) Rave-
sies, acting Adjutant, had received a severe wound in the leg.

“A compact line of infantry about 120 yards in our front
poured a well-directed fire upon us, which we answered rapidly
and with effect.

“A battery of artillery about forty-five degrees to our right
(A conversation with Federal General (Ezra A.) Carman*
whom on a recent visit I found in charge of the battlefield now
under Government supervision, developed the fact that this
battery was on a height across the Antietam river.) and another
at a similar angle on our left, concentrated shells upon us with
terrible accuracy. We were unsupported by any artillery on
our portion of the line.

“Sergeant J. P. Harris, bearing the flag, was soon wounded.
Corporal Thomas Ryan of Company E immediately took the
colors and was shortly afterwards mortally wounded.

“Sergeant James Castello of Company G then seized the
flag. Ammunition was being exhausted and men were using
the cartridge boxes of their dead and wounded comrades. The
enemy’s line in front of us wavered and portions of it broke,

•Editor’s Note: Carman was a Colonel at Sharpsburg.

19 7 7

but it was re-inf or ced by fresh troops. Our line to the left
was being” pushed back by overwhelming numbers. Major Her-
bert gave the order to the regiment, and we fell back slowly.
About three hundred yards in the rear we found Major (John
W.) Fairfax, General Longstreet’s ‘Fighting Aide’ as the soldiers
called him, endeavoring to rally the troops that had fallen back
before us.

“Despatching Lieutenant (M. G.) McWilliams (of Co. B.)
and two men after ammunition, Major Williams (of the 9th)
and Major Herbert rallied about 100 men of the brigade and
moved forward again. Rising the hill into the apple orchard
before spoken of, the enemy were observed coming through
the cornfield in front in a strong line. Pouring a volley into
them and charging them with a shout, we routed them com-
pletely. They rallied, however, and seeing how few we were,
formed behind a rock fence on the opposite ridge about 100 yards
distant. Taking post in the orchard, the unequal fire was kept
up until our numbers gradually melting away under the fire
of the enemy (Note: The batteries over the river were firing

on us.), it became impracticable to hold the ground longer, and
the order was given to retire.

“Major Williams had now been wounded and the command
of the Brigade devolved on Major Herbert, who rallied about
fifty men and again advanced to the apple orchard. Here the
combat was renewed with exactly the same result. The enemy
were again advancing through the cornfield, were again driven
back, and again took position behind the rock fence. We re-
tained our position in the apple orchard and continued the fight,
the enemy’s balls playing fearful havoc in our ranks. The flag
bearer, Sergeant Castello, whose gallantry had been conspicu-
ous throughout the day, received a musket ball through the head.
Major Herbert took up the colors, but shortly afterwards gave
them to Sergeant G. T. L. Robinson of Company B, who insisted
upon his right to carry them. Soon he too fell wounded, and
Private W. G. McCloskie of Company G took the flag and car-
ried it gallantly through the day.” (Thus the flag that day was
carried successively by five different persons.)

“From their position behind the rock fence, and with the
artillery across the Antietam, the enemy commanded the or-

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

chard. It, therefore, became necessary to fall back again, which
was done by order, the enemy not again attempting to occupy
the disputed ground until later in the evening.

“It was near sunset; A. P. Hill’s Division had come up
and was hotly engaged with the enemy on our right. (The
gap on our right heretofore spoken of as unoccupied was the
gap between us and A. P. Hill. We saw no one on our right
till A. P. Hill came up.) The enemy making no further attempt
against our portion of the line we had moved over to support
General A. P. Hill’s left. The enemy (those in our former front)
now attempted to gain such a position as to command our left
flank.

“Brigadier General (Philip) Cook, commanding a brigade
of Georgians and with whom Major Herbert was now cooperat-
ing, saw this movement, and we changed front to meet it. The
nature of the ground permitted us to shift our position without
being seen. The enemy now came confidently forward. We
were in line just in front of them but concealed by the crest of
a hill. When they arrived within thirty yards of us we rose,
poured a volley into, and charged them. They fled in con-
fusion, leaving us in possession of the oft-disputed apple or-
chard and seventeen prisoners besides their wounded.” (Note:
This possession was only temporary. The artillery over the river
compelled us to seek shelter back of the hill behind us.) “Thus
closed the battle along our position of the line.

“On the next day we held our position but there was no
serious engagement.” (Note: We lost one man under very

singular circumstances. He was with the regiment which was
lying in its position of the evening before, when a musket ball
killed him coming from the enemy’s direction, but we heard no
sound of a gun nor did we see or hear any skirmishing during
the day.) “Our loss in this battle was seventy-eight killed and
wounded out of 120 carried into the fight. After the battle,
the following men were complimented for gallantry in special
orders from regimental headquarters.

Sergeant G. T. L. Robinson, now Captain, Company B.

Sergeant G. B. Gould. Company G (later appointed
2nd Lt. for gallantry).

19 7 7

Sergeant George Hatch, Company F (later 1st Lt.).

Sergeant (Charles F.) Brown, Company D (later
2nd Lt.).

Private L. P. Bulger, Company B (afterwards Sergeant
and killed at Gettysburg).

Private W. G. Mccloskie, Comany G.

Private James Ryan, Company I.

Private Peter Smith, Company G.

Private Charles Rob, Company G.

Private John Herbert, Company H.

Private John Callahan, Company C .”

Here ends the official account of the battle written at
Orange, C. H.

During the battle a Federal soldier in our front exhibited
by his conduct a contempt for danger which, in the opinion of
the writer was quite as remarkable as was that indicated in the
reply of the officer of the Old Guard at Waterloo when asked
to surrender and immortalized by Victor Hugo in Les Miserables.
When we made, as above related, our second assault on the
enemy coming through the corn field and orchard, they were
panicked, thinking we had reinforcements, and fleeing in con-
fusion soon got over the brow of a hill back to the rock fence.
One of their number, however did not increase his pace be-
yond a walk. Marching in common time, he loaded and fired
as if on drill, firing once about every ten steps. Just as he
reached the brow of the hill, this gallant fellow, all his com-
rades being to us out of sight, fired his last shot at us, and
then turning his back, slapped his posterior at us, and walked
quietly away.

The roll of honor as made up by the men for this battle
is as follows:

Corporal David Tucker, Company A.

Private John Curry, Company C.

Sergeant T(homas) S. Ryan, Company E.

Sergeant James Castello, Company G — killed.

Private J(ohn) Herbert, Company H — killed.

Private 0. M. Harris, Company K — killed.

Private G. T. L. Robinson, Company B.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Private C. F. Brown, Company D.

Corporal J. R. Searcy, Company F.

Private James Ryan, Company I.

It will be seen that this roll of the men is somewhat dif-
ferent from the list of those specially complimented in Major
Herbert’s order from regimental headquarters, the men desiring
to honor some not specially mentioned in the regimental order.

The situation at Sharpsburg, the terrific nature of the
struggle, and the superb confidence of General Lee in the cour-
age of his soldiers, is illustrated by the following statement :

McClellan’s forces were to General Lee’s as more than two
to one. The Potomac was in our rear, fordable only at one point,
Boteler’s ford near Shepherdstown, three miles away. Defeat
meant the destruction of our army.

Lieutenant General Stephen D. Lee* tells of a solemn scene
he witnessed after the close of the battle. Night had fallen;
gun-fire was hushed, and no sound could be heard except the
cries of the wounded, when Lee’s Division Commanders came
up to report. Longstreet, Jackson, and D. H. Hill, one after
the other, in answer to inquiries responded, all substantially
to the same effect, — “My men never fought better; they have
lost ground at some points and gained at others, but their losses
have been terrible and they are nearly out of ammunition. They
will fight again, but their thin lines cannot stand against the
overwhelming forces the enemy can send against them tomor-
row. I advise that we cross the Potomac tonight.” Last came
General Hood. General Lee asked him to report from his Divi-
sion, and he said, almost completely unmanned, that he had no
Division. Lee replied, with more excitement than his officers
had ever seen him exhibit, “Great God, General Hood, where
is that splendid Division you led this morning?” The answer
Was, “Lying on the field where you sent them. But few have
straggled. My Division is nearly wiped out.”

An appalling silence fell upon the group — broken only
when General Lee, rising in his saddle, at length said: “Go

*Editor’s Note: Lee was a Colonel at Sharpsburg.

19 7 7

to your respective commands, strengthen your lines, collect am-
munition from the arms of the dead and wounded. Send offi-
cers to the ford to bring up stragglers. We will not cross the
Potomac tonight. If McClellan wants it, I will fight him again
tomorrow.”

The conference was ended, and every officer left General
Lee’s presence, as Lieutenant General Stephen D. Lee now says,
withr a heavy heart, feeling that the next day would see the
end of the Army of Northern Virginia. The next day came,
and there was no battle, only a few shots fired by desultory
skirmishers, and on the night of the 18th without molestation
we recrossed the the Potomac. General McClellan in his testi-
mony subsequently before the Committee of Congress on the
“Conduct of the War” testified that he did not attack us on the
18th because he was awaiting the arrival of 12,000 fresh troops
who came up on the evening of that day.

The writer has visited the battlefield of Sharpsburg in re-
cent years and a critical inspection under guides shows that the
field, a succession of rolling hills and intervening downward
swards, taken altogether offered little if any advantage to the
Confederates except at Burnside’s Bridge, on our right, across
which A. P. Hill drove back Burnside’s troops late in the eve-
ning.

What I peculiarly regret is that no report of the part taken
by Wilcox’s Brigade in this, which was the bloodiest of its
battles, appears in the Official Records published at Washington.
No report was ever made. General Wilcox was absent, sick;
Colonel Cumming, temporarily in command, was disabled by
a wound before we had gotten fairly into the fight. Major Wil-
liams commanded for less than an hour. I was in command
for the remainder of the day, and did not make a report for
what appears to me now the clearly insufficient reason that I
was not called upon to do so. A sense of justice to the command
ought to have given me the courage to take the initiative and
send in a full report. Having failed then, I now make amends,
as far as may be, by publishing verbatim the report given above,
which is official in the sense that, in obedience to the order of
the Governor of Alabama, it was written in camp and was
submitted to and approved by those who had participated, and

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

it has necessarily included not only the 8th Alabama Regiment,
but the handful of men then constituting the Brigade, as show-
ing the part taken by the 8th. The losses of the 5 Regiments
of the Brigade were, for the Maryland campaign, and we were
not elsewhere engaged, 215 and of these 78 were in our regiment.
(See Alexander’s “Memoirs,” p. 273.)

General McClellan was now a second time removed from
command of the Army of the Potomac for failing to crush Gen-
eral Lee — the third time a Federal general was deposed by
General Lee and his army.

19 7 7

CHAPTER IX
Again in Virginia

We encamped a few days near Martinsburg, Va., some
twenty miles from Shepherdstown, at which place Colonel
Royston returned, having recovered from his wound received
at Frazier’s Farm, and now, being the senior officer present,
took command of the Brigade. On the 26th of September we
removed to a point six miles from Winchester, near a big spring.
This camp was never officially named, but was called by the
regiment “Chuckaluck Hill,” because while there we were paid
off, and much of the money received by the men exchanged
hands in “chuckaluck,” a game of dice. Most of the stakes got
at one time into the possession of our drummer boy, Wanicker,
who became a bare-footed plutocrat. While encamped near this
spring a determined effort was made to get clear of the
abominable vermin that, during the Maryland campaign, when
as nobody had a change of underclothing, had attacked men
and officers. The writer knew one officer who, having only
one undershirt “to his name,” and so disgusted with the
“creepers”, and so determined to get rid of them, that he boiled
it for a half hour. The garment was of heavy knitted wool.
He got rid of the creepers and rid of the shirt, too, for he could
never get it on, and I believe the poor fellow never was able to
replace it during the next winter. Alack for the poor Con-
federacy ! Our boys used to say that these “creepers” had
“I. W.” (in the war) marked on their backs.

While here Lieutenant Colonel Royston was promoted to be
Colonel. Major Herbert to Lieutenant Colonel, Captain J. P.
Emrich to be Major.

On the 30th of October we moved from “Chuckaluck Hill”
and reached a camp near Culpepper, C. H. on the 3rd of Novem-
ber. On the previous night the Brigade had bivouacked near
the Rappahannock. Hard by was a distillery, and having gotten
access to it a number of men of the 8th and 9th Alabama were
next morning fair objects for discipline. When we got to camp
at Culpepper that night several of those who had interviewed
John Barleycorn on the Rappahannock were straggling behind.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

For their benefit a guard house was established, the com-
manders of companies being instructed to send up under guard
to the commander of the regiment every one who should come
into camp after the evening roll-call. Having disposed as he
thought of all these cases, the Lieutenant Colonel next morning
about ten o’clock was sitting on his camp stool indulging in the
usual wish of a Confederate, that he had something good for
dinner, when he saw approaching turn a soldier, not under guard
and with a beautiful white head of cabbage, bearing it before
him in his hands as he came.

“Here’s a cabbage, sir, I brought you!”

“Thank you,” said the Lieutenant Colonel. “You belong to
Company I — What is your name?” at the same time taking the
cabbage. “Smith, sir, Tom Smith,” said the man, and hesitating
a little he finally added:

“The truth is, sir, that I had a little too much whiskey
yesterday and got behind, and I thought I ought to bring you
something.”

“Take back the cabbage, sir,” was the reply. “I’ll send you
to the guard house for getting drunk and send you there double
time for trying to bribe me.”

“Oh, don’t do that, sir,” he said, “I’ve never missed a roll
call. I’ve never missed a battle, I’ve never been in the guard
house, and I’ve always said I never would be. Don’t send me
there, please!”

“Well,” was the reply, “that’s a remarkable record you give
yourself. We’ll see what your Captain has to say about it.”
Captain (John) McGrath being sent for corroborated Smith in
every particular, and added:

“He is the best soldier in my company, and I believe the
best in the regiment, always in the front of battle, always cheer-
ful, and his gun and accroutements always clean. Look at his
gun, even now, sir; it’s as bright as a silver dollar.”

19 7 7

Turning to the soldier, the Lieutenant Colonel said:

“Smith, that’s too good a record to spoil. I’ll let you off
this time, but remember, if I ever find you disobeying orders
again, I’ll recollect this against you.”

“Thank you, Colonel,” saM Smith, “thank you, sir! And
now won’t you have the cabbage?”

Of course I had to send him off to eat the cabbage himself,
but I watched him afterwards and never had reason to repent
the clemency extended to Smith.

It is to me a grateful task to record here an instance of
Smith’s gratitude for this act of clemency. In November 1864
my commission as Colonel came to the regiment while I was at
home wounded. Smith having a thirty days furlough to visit
his home in Mobile, asked permission to carry it to me person-
ally, and voluntarily took time to stop off in Greenville to put
it in my hands.

On the 19th of November we broke camp at Culpepper and
marched towards Fredericksburg, which we reached on the
22nd.

At the battle of Fredericksburg our brigade occupied the
left of our line, extending from Dr. Taylor’s house to the right.
The enemy’s infantry did not attack us, but we were shelled
from their batteries across the river, losing only one man
wounded.

In this battle not more than one-third of our army was
actively engaged. General (Ambrose) Burnside unsuccessfully
attacked our right wing under General Jackson, but spent most
of his force on our left center at Marye’s Heights. This latter
position was impregnable. Fourteen charges against it were
made, many of them with the greatest gallantry. These charges
began about noon and were continued until near night-fall.
Never did I see elsewhere the dead so thick as they were in
front of Marye’s Heights. They were practically touching each
other for some 300 yards and were often in piles. On the 14th,

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the day after the battle, the two armies remained in position,
ours on the heights looking down on the Federals between us
and the river, holding hollows and undulations wherever they
could find shelter. So on the 15th, and Lee expected a renewal
of the assault the next day, but in the rain and darkness of the
night Burnside got back safely over the river, where we could
not follow, for his position there was stronger even than ours
on the South side of the river.

Burnside's army numbered 104,665; Lee's 78.513. The
Federal losses in the battle were 12,047 ; ours 5,309.

19 7 7

CHAPTER X

Winter Quarters at Banks’ Ford

After the battle of Fredericksburg the Federal Army took
up its former position on the north side of the Rappahannock,
and the two armies spent the remainder of the winter watch-
ing each other across the river from the ridges or heights that
rise on either side.

For the twenty-odd miles from Banks’ Ford, which was
three and a half miles above Fredericksburg, down the fiver
along which the two armies were on guard, there was more or
less bottom land on the river and we were, therefore, usually
from three-quarters of a mile to a mile and a half apart. But
each picketed up to the banks of the river, which was from 100
to 150 yards wide along the three miles of line guarded by our
brigade. This was from Scott’s Dam, three-quarters of a mile
above Banks’ Ford to a point below Dr. Taylor’s home near
Fredericksburg. At Banks’ Ford the heights, some 125 feet
above the river’s level, sloped down on the north side quite to
the river’s edge, and on ours to the bottom land within, say,
100 feet of the ford. The 8th Alabama was encamped on the
brow of the hill that rises west of the road that leads on the
south side down to the ford, and on the opposite hill, across
the river, was a Federal battery, which at any time, day or
night during three months, could have sent a shell crashing
into our camp, the distance not being more than three-quarters
of a mile. But here we stayed all the winter. Our tents were
elevated on log structures three or four feet high, “chinked”
with mud, each having a liberally daubed stick chimney and
fireplace.

During our entire stay there was no firing on either side.
A tacit truce had been established. In both armies we had
learned to respect each other and to know that picket-firing,
unless there is some movement on foot, is only murder. An
officer of the day on one side of the river riding along the
picket lines was frequently saluted by a picket from the opposite
bank, just as he would be by his own men. And the conversa-
tions that took place across the river were often very amusing.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

One day at the Ford an artilleryman came down to water
his horses in the river, and called out to the picket on our side:

“Hello, Reb, got any horses over there?”

“Yes,” was the reply, “plenty of them.”

“Well,” said the Yank, as we always called them, “bring
one of them over here, and I can beat you running.”

“You ought to,” came back, “for you’ve had more practice
than we have!”

Gradually men got to trading across the river. A little
boat was constructed with a rudder rigidly fixed at an angle
of say forty-five degrees from the axis of the boat, and when
the boat was placed in the water, with bow straight across and
with the rudder inclined at a fixed angle down stream, the ac-
tion of the current impelled it across and downward in such
manner that experiments would show where to put it in one
one side of the river so as to land it at a given point on the
other. This boat was used until captured by the writer in ex-
changing Virginia tobacco for coffee, sugar, etc. After a time
men got to visiting across the river ; and all this coming to the
knowledge of General Lee, he issued an order strictly forbidding
communication with the enemy; and a similar order was issued
on the other side.

One day shortly after this order the writer, as officer of
the day, was visiting the picket line. One of the posts was at
Scott’s dam, and here so many of the huge boulders of the
former dam were still in line that one could wade across the
stream, it nowhere being over the rocks more than wast deep.
J ust as the writer rode out of the bushes below up to the post,
a Federal soldier with trousers off was within ten feet of the
bank on our side. The soldier halted.

“Come on !” said I.

“I won’t come,” said he, “unless you will let me go back.”

When by means of a cocked pistol pointed toward him he

19 7 7

had been compelled to come ashore, and told that he was a
prisoner, he said, “Colonel, this is not fair. These men told
me I could come over and go back.”

“Yes,” was the reply, “but you knew it was against orders,
and I know you are violating orders on your side. There is
no way to stop this except to enforce orders, and you are my
prisoner.”

He was a big stout manly fellow and looked me straight
in the face, while the tears came into his eyes, as he replied:

“Colonel, shoot me if you want to, but for God's sake don't
take me prisoner. I have only been in this army for six months.

I have never been in battle. If I am taken prisoner under these
circumstances, my character at home will be ruined. It will
always be said I deserted.”

The appeal was too much for me. He was sent back with
an admonition to him and his comrades that he was the last
man that would ever be released ; and then, after a scolding ad-
ministered to my own men, I sought General Wilcox saying:
“General, I have disobeyed orders.” “What have you done?”
he asked, and on being informed, his answer was, “I should have
done the same thing myself.”

At that time the writer did not suppose that he was ever
to be in the future a citizen of the same country with this
soldier, and unfortunately his name, if asked, is not now re-
membered. Many years after the war, in the hope of hearing
from the man, the writer gave this incident to his friend Amos
Cummings, in the cloakroom of the House of Representatives
at Washington. Cummings sent it broadcast over the country
in one of his memorable syndicate articles, but no word has ever
come to me from that soldier.

Personal incidents like this serve to show the reader of
today the singular conditions that existed in that great war,
when brother was arrayed against brother. While we were
at Banks’ Ford, David Buell, an enlisted man in the 8th Ala-
bama, born in New York State, visited his brother, Seth, across
the river, and afterwards told me of the conversation that en-

92 -

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

sued. Seth did not for a moment think of asking David to
desert his colors, but was full of commiseration for the condi-
tion of his poor Confederate brother, subject to hunger, etc.,
all of which David patriotically and with some disregard of
truth denied. But Seth was not to be put off, without doing
something for his brother, and finally insisted on giving him a
pair of “big warm U. S. blankets.” “U. S. blankets,” said
David. “Why, I’ve got plenty of them just that pattern, and
the regiment has not only a full supply now, but we have at
Richmond, awaiting our future wants, a wagon load of them
captured from you at Manassas,” which was true. We were
often even then hard up for rations, but David Buell, who was
years afterwards an Alabama State Senator from Butler and
Conecuh, was not the man to make any such admission even
to his brother.

“Blow bugle, blow, set the wild echoes flying:

Blow bugle ; answer echoes, dying, dying, dying.

Tennyson

Among the pleasant memories of the winter of 1862-3 that
come back to me now after the lapse of so many years like
“the distant sounds of sweet music over the long drawn valley”
is the chorus of bugles that greeted our ears every morning and
evening — reveille and tattoo. There is nothing sweeter than
the note of a bugle, especially when announcing another day to
one who has been in the saddle visiting picket posts since two
o’clock. Imagine him before sunrise, alone upon a hilltop, lis-
tening for “reveille” from two great armies at once. Out upon
the still air the first call comes, say, from a bugler in gray,
like a defiance. Instantly the challenge is answered from a
Federal, then from another and another, Federal and Con-
federate, every bugler in both armies promptly joining the
chorus. Up and down the river for twenty miles along the hill
tops, from artillery and cavalry, thousands of bugles blow, some
near by, ringing clear and full, their “wild echoes flying” and
answering echoes “dying, dying, dying” till the still air of the
gray morning is filled with a diapason grander than any ever
conceived by a Mozart or a Handel.

While at Banks’ Ford much attention was devoted to drill.

19 7 7

Captains recited to the commanding officer of the regiment in
Hardee’s Tactics every morning at 9, First Sergeants from 10
to 11. Company drill occupied from 11 to 12, and battalion
drill was had every afternoon. Some of the best officers pro-
tested against so much drilling, as unnecessary and fatiguing,
notably Captain (William M.) Mordecai, who was always con-
spicuous for his gallantry in battle. “Drilling,” he complained,
“in all these fancy movements is of no practical value. We
have never in any battle had to do anything more than move
forward or backward, or by the right /lank or left flank, or,
to wheel — everything beyond this is useless.”

But the objection did not prevail, drilling was persisted in
till the regiment became noted for its proficiency, and gallant
Captain Mordecai lived to make a maniy retraction, as we shall
see later.

Discipline in the 8th was now perhaps as good as in any
regiment in the army. The aim of the officers was to cultivate
individuality, a sense of comradeship, and to keep alive that
pride which was inborn in every Confederate. To this end
nothing contributed more than the men’s “Roll of Honor” made
up by themselves, and as the record shows, up to this time the
roll had always been faithfully made out. As a specimen of
the method of discipline pursued the following incident is cited :

The most common and probably, as aggravated a violation
of orders as occurred at Banks’ Ford was what was called
“running the blockade” to get whiskey, viz., slipping off to
Fredericksburg at night without leave. Punishment of course
always followed detection, but the penalty had never been very
severe, until one night John Daley, a veteran who had served
in the British army and who was in all respects, his inordinate
love of whiskey excepted, a model soldier, lost his life during a
“run of the blockade.” When he and two comrades were re-
turning from Fredericksburg, Daley gave out on the way. He
had lost his power of locomotion and his friends thought he
was too heavy to carry, so they left him to “sleep it off” by
the wayside. Snow was on the ground, but it was not con-
sidered very cold, and his comrades supposed the whiskey in
the man would keep him warm, but unfortunately the poor fellow
froze to death. The facts came to light and the punishment
that followed was :

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

First, a reprimand from Regimental Headquarters, read
out at dress parade, in which was pointed out the shocking want
of comradeship displayed by the two soldiers, who, themselves
to escape from slight punishment, had risked the life of their
friend.

Second, the culprits were for a week confined to the guard
house, and during this period were made to walk behind the
kettle drum to and from along the line of the regiment every
evening at dress parade, each wearing a barrel shirt (a barrel
with both ends out and arms projected through holes on the
side), placarded “Here is a man, who deserted his comrade and
left him to freeze to death in the snow.”

So heavy had been the losses of the 8th that of the first
Alabama conscripts 300 were now assigned to us. The re-
mainder 167 arrived in camp one evening while the regiment
was on dress parade. Some of these were said to have deserted,
and others had been detailed for hospital duty at Richmond.
The commanding officer noticed, as the regiment was dis-
missed from parade, that these newcomers, still in line awaiting
orders, were greeted by the old soldiers as they passed with
many terms of derision. He thereupon made a short speech
to the new men, endeavoring to encourage them, promising that
they should hereafter be on just the same footing as the veterans,
pointing out that while they had, all of them no doubt, what
they deemed good reasons for not volunteering, that they had
all obeyed the laws of their country in now coming to the front ;
that obedience to law was the very highest virtues, etc. Finally,
he told them that jesting was a part of camp life and that
soldiers must learn to give and take, but that if at any time
any one of them should feel that he ought to defend himself
against a gross insult he, the commanding officer, would see to
it that the offended man should have a fair fight ; but, he con-
tinued, “if you will only show that you mean to do your duty
as soldiers, all the regiment will welcome you and help you.”

The conscripts were distributed among the companies ; there
was no friction, and most of the new men made good soldiers.
After the coming battle of Salem Church the writer had the
pleasure of complimenting them in a special order read out at
dress parade.

19 7 7

The regiment did hard work in the winter and spring of
1862 and '63 at Banks’ Ford. Our Brigade was here in the
front, all the time doing all the picket duty along that portion
of the line; but we were not without our pleasures. None of
us will ever forget the jolly times we had around the camp-fire.
Card playing was of course a common amusement, and this
suggests the thought that, amid the plentiful lack of other
things there always, strangely enough, seemed to be a plentiful
supply of playing cards in the Confederacy. But soldiers were
singularly unwilling to go into battle with playing cards on
them. The pathway of every command going into a fight was
always strewn with cards, but once a few days in camp, and
cards were again abundant.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER XI
The Battle of Salem Church

General E. P(orter) Alexander once told the writer that
he knew of no instance in which so few troops had won a vic-
tory so important as that at Salem Church, the result of which
was to save Lee’s army from an assault in the rear by at least
some 20,000 fresh troops under (General John) Sedgwick —
an assault that had it not been arrested might have turned the
victory of Chancellorsville into a defeat.

To appreciate the importance of this engagement the situa-
tion should be understood.

The Rappahannock above Fredericksburg trends southeast,
until it turns, half a mile above the town, to the southward.
From Fredericksburg the plank road runs straight out in a
westerly course to Orange Ch. H. On May 3rd, (Major Gen-
eral Joseph) Hooker who, with his army, had all the winter con-
fronted Lee from Banks’ Ford twenty miles down the river,
had already by a clever “pas” moved the bulk of his army across
the river some twelve to eighteen miles above Fredericksburg,
thus securing a position to the rear of Lee’s left and closer to
Richmond than we were ; and he had left Sedgwick with 30,000
men still opposite Fredericksburg to cross and attack Lee in
his rear, if Lee should dare to fight at or near Chancellorsville.
Lee’s situation when he found that Hooker was to his left and
in his rear, was critical. But leaving (Lieutenant General
Jubal A.) Early with about 7,000 men to guard the river, oppo-
site Fredericksburg and below, and Wilcox’s Brigade on guard
for three miles above, General Lee had swiftly moved with a
portion of his army to confront Hooker at Chancellorsville, and
had detached Jackson to make his celebrated attack on Hooker’s
right. Hooker had divided his army into two parts, and Lee
had divided his into three; one, Early and Wilcox, to guard the
crossing near Fredericksburg, another under himself to con-
front Hooker at Chancellorsville, the third under Jackson to
swing around on Hooker’s right flank. This remarkable division
of his forces was in the presence of an enemy who had more
than two men to his one. Jackson’s attack had been successful,
Hooker’s right wing had been doubled back on his main body;

10 7 7

but that main body, larger than Lee’s whole army, was in its
breastwork in the Wilderness in front of Lee who was then near
Chancellorsville, Hooker’s Head Quarters, when on the morning
of the 3rd of May Sedgwick, having crossed the river, had,
after two repulses succeeded in capturing Marye’s Heights in
front of Fredericksburg, with a number of prisoners and 7
pieces of artillery. (Brigadier General William) Barksdale’s
Brigade and (Brigadier General Harry T.) Hays’ Brigade of
Early’s Division now retreated from their position near Fred-
ericksburg south to the Telegraph Road in the direction where
Early was, leaving Sedgwick in possession of the Fredericksburg
end of the plank road, which opened a 'Straight line to the rear
of such of Lee’s forces as confronted Hooker, ten miles away
at Chancellorsville. There was nobody now to prevent Sedg-
wick’s Corps from marching along this road to Lee’s rear ex-
cept Wilcox, with only one Brigade, four pieces of (Captain
John W.) Lewis’ battery and about 50 cavalry. The Brigade,
as stated, had been guarding Banks’ Ford 2*4 miles northwest
of Fredericksburg, and General Wilcox, when notified of the
attack on Marye’s Heights, had marched towards the fight.
But when he neared Fredericksburg he found the enemy already
in possession of the Heights. To delay them we were put into
line with skirmishers in front, and with our artillery in place,
two pieces on each flank. The enemy advanced a heavy line
of infantry with skirmishers in front and 6 pieces of artillery;
and now in the first skirmish that followed, near Stansbury’s
house, the gallant Captain (Robert A.) McCrary of Co. D., with
two or three men had already fallen when General Wilcox
discovered a heavy body of the enemy advancing up the plank
road, which was still far to our right (fronted as we then were)
to surround us here in the bend of the river. This discovery
was followed by a prompt order to withdraw. While in sight
of the enemy we retreated in common time, but very soon a
wood that was on our left as we fell back obscuring us from
view, we made double quick time. General Wilcox in his report
of this battle (0. R. Series I, Vol. XXV, Part I, pp. 854-861)
does not mention our accelerated movement, but it is a fact
that never were legs more valuable than when we were making
a straight line for a point on the plank road some three-quarters
of a mile beyond where were our friends, the enemy. We
reached “the plank” and stopped to get breath. Soon we con-
tinued up on “the plank” road to Salem Church, where General

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Wilcox selected a position for battle. Wilcox had previously
sent Major (Charles R.) Collins with his 40 or 50 troopers of
the 15th Virginia Cavalry down the plank road with instruc-
tions to dismount his men and deploy them as skirmishers to
delay the enemy’s advance. This duty, handsomely done, had
given us time to do our double-quicking and reach the plank
road. Before Major Collins had recalled his skirmishers, in
order to secure time for the arrival of reinforcements that Gen-
eral Lee had been asked for we were marched back from the
Church towards the enemy, say twelve hundred yards or more,
to the toll-gate on the plank road. Here we were aligned across
the road and with our skirmishers well out in front and firing
and our four pieces playing on the enemy, we secured a further
delay of say a half hour or more. General Wilcox now learned
that General Lee had sent three Brigades to our aid and with
the enemy still not close enough to seriously annoy us, we faced
about and marched to the position near the Church which we
were to occupy during the coming battle.

Disposition of Troops

It is not in the scope of my present work to give complete
descriptions of battles, but an exception is made as to Salem
Church because of its importance and because “the attack being
directed mainly against General Wilcox , but partially involving
the Brigades on his left.” (General R. E. Lee’s Report, 0. R.
Series I, Vol. XXV, Part I.)

Salem Church is on a slight eminence, generally called in
the Federal Reports “Salem Heights,” sloping gently down to-
wards Fredericksburg. A wood surrounded the church and
grew thicker as it extended down the slope for about 200 yards
t where open fields stretched away, uninterrupted for quite a
distance, except by Guest’s house, say a mile away. The woods
around the church stretched far away to both right and the
left, so concealing the troops that had come to our assistance
as to lead the enemy to believe that nobody was between them
and Lee’s rear except Wilcox’s Brigade, a few cavalrymen and
four pieces of artillery. A fourth Brigade came down to aid
us if necessary, about the time the battle began and this Brigade
was placed on the extreme right, but the two Brigades on our

19 7 7

right were not engaged in the coining battle, nor were they even
within sight of the enemy.

The enemy began by stationing artillery about fourteen
hundred yards away, and shelled ours until Lewis’ four pieces
had exhausted their ammunition and retired. Then they shelled
vigorously the woods, right and left, but we were lying down and
received no injury. And now the infantry came forward.

Our troops had been placed as follows: The plank road

runs east and west, with the Church close to the road and a
schooltruse 30 yards in front (east). The 10th Alabama with
its left resting on the Church, was south (to our right) of
the road; the 8th was on the right of the 10th, and the 9th in
reserve, with one of its companies in the schoolhouse and an-
other in the church. On the north side of the road (our left)
were, first, the 11th and then the 14th Alabama, with (Brigadier
General Paul J.) Semmes on the left of that, and (Brigadier
General William) Mahone’s occupying our extreme left. (Briga-
dier General Joseph B.) Kershaw’s Brigade was on the right of
ours, and later (Brigadier General William T.) Wofford’s came
up and took a position on the right of Kershaw, but both these
Brigades were in the woods and unseen by the enemv, and
neither of them fired a gun. They were not in the line of attack.

The disposition of the Federal forces I take from Series I,
Vol. XXV, Part I, 0. R., citing that volume simply bv pages
for both Federal and Confederate reports.

General Sedgwick, commanding the Federal forces, says
(p. 559) : “(Major General William T. H.) Brooks’ Division
formed rapidly across the road and (Major General John) New-
ton’s upon the right.”

Sedgwick had taken account of our strength when we were
drawn up in the open field before him, near the toll-gate; he
saw too the front we covered as we drew back into the woods,
and now to cover this front he formed triple lines, extending
part of Newton’s force beyond the left of our Brigade, fully
expecting it to meet no enemy and to overlap and flank us.
Fortunately for us, this force found Semmes in its front, and
what must have been a small portion of it encountered some of
Mahone’s Brigade.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

General W. T. H. Brooks, commanding the First Division,
says (p. 568) he placed on the south of the road, our right, the
5th Maine, 16th New York, 121st New York and 96th Pennsyl-
vania, of his 2nd Brigade, and the 2nd New Jersey and 23rd
New Jersey of his 1st Brigade — all together six regiments.
But the Colonel of one of these regiments, (Colonel Joel J.)
Seaver, 16th New York, (p. 586) says that while he was for a
time on the south side of the road he was later ordered to the
north side and advanced in the woods there. This left five regi-
ments of Brooks’ Division south of the road. The 98th Pennsyl-
vania and 62nd New York of Newton’s Division were, however,
also on the south side of the road (Brigadier) General (Frank)
Wheaton’s Report, (p. 618). To these seven attacking regiments
which on the south side of the road attacked the 8th and 10th
Alabama which were supported by the 9th, should probably be
added two regiments from the 2nd Brigade of Newton’s Divi-
sion, commanded by Colonel William H. Brown, but in the ab-
sence of any report from him or General Newton this is left in
doubt by the report of Colonel Horatio Rogers, 2nd Rhode Is-
land (p. 614).

On the north side of the road, our left, there were, of
Brooks’ Division, the 1st, 2nd and 15th New Jersey, 95th and
119th Pennsylvania, making 5 regiments; with the 16th New
York added, six. Add also three regiments of General Wheaton’s
Brigade, two of Newton’s Division (Wheaton’s Report, p. 617),
making altogether 12 regiments attacking the front occupied
by the 11th and 14th Alabama, Semmes’ Brigade, and partially
Mahone’s. One of these attacking regiments, the 15th New
Jersey, under Colonel (William H.) Penrose (p. 574) was or-
dered to the extreme right of the Federals 4 ‘to turn the left”
of the Confederates. Probably this regiment attacked Mahone.

The Union troops were in high spirits. Hooker, they under-
stood, had been successful, they had themselves just captured
Marye’s Heights with seven pieces of artillery, and Wilcox’s
Brigade, that had retreated before them for 2 1/2 miles, they
were now about to brush away or destroy. As Sedgwick told
Guest at his farmhouse, where he made his headquarters, now
they “were after ‘Cadmus’ (Cadmus Wilcox) and we’re going
to pick him up.”

Bravely, with banners flying, their lines come forward,

101

19 7 7

their alignment perfect. As they advance, we have no artillery
to check them, for our four pieces have already withdrawn for
want of ammunition. Our skirmishers at the edge of the woods
retire before them. Now they near the little schoolhouse whose
doors and windows are shut. A rush is made for its shelter.
From the cracks between the logs, made by knocking out the
chinking, shoots a deadly flame of fire. A gigantic Lieutenant
in the effort to batter down the door, falls across the steps, —
a musket ball coming through the panel has pierced his heart.
But the brave fellows in blue are too many for the boys in the
little log hut. They push forward, they crowd around the house,
and for a few moments the inmates are prisoners. Still the
assailants press f rward until at some points they are 40 and
at others only 30 yards away, and then a volley makes great
gaps in their ranks. The firing now extends from our right
front far away to the left. The enemy return our fire first
by volley and then promiscuously. In the first firing Olonel
Royston is biadly wounded, and the command of the 8th de-
volves upon Lieutenant Colonel Herbert. For a few moments
everywhere along the line the enemy are staggered, but in our
front do not retreat. The battle seems hanging in the balance,
and the second line of the enemy, pressing close behind the first,
near the Church, the momentum is such as to break our lines.
The 10th Alabama is forced back upon the 8 companies of the
9th, that lie some 30 yards behind. The 12 1st New York has
passed the left of the 8th, But the 8th Alabama stands fast.
The enemy in its front is held at bay, while its three left com-
panies under order make a backward half wheel and fire down
the line of the New York regiment that is passing its left.

The slaughter of this advancing line of the enemy is terri-
ble, for the 9th Alabama has risen from the ground and with
the 10th, which has much of it rallied upon the 9th, is mowing
down the enemy by a fire in front while the three left companies
of the 8th are firing into their flank. The 9th rushes forward
with a yell and in less than five minutes after our line is broken
the enemy are in full retreat, leaving the extreme point to which
they had gotten beyond the Church distinctly marked with their
dead and wounded lying in a line. There have been no orders
from General Wilcox to charge, unless perhaps to the 9th to
restore our lines, but when the gallant 9th comes forward with a
shout it cannot be expected to stop at the old lines, and on it goes.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Lieutenant Colonel Herbert instantly orders forward the 8th,
Soon the whole Brigade is advancing and with it two regiments
of Semmes’. Forward we rush through the woods, and into
the fields, driving the enemy’s lines over one another, and as
they mingle pell mell in the open field, high above the Confed-
erate yell are heard the voices of officers and men shouting, “take
good aim, boys!” “Hold your muskets level, and you’ll get a
Yank!”

The carnage was awful The enemy were in confusion,
fleeing for their lives, and all the efforts made by their gallant
officers to keep them, in line were unavailing. We followed
them beyond the woods till we had neared the toll gate and
they had reached their reserves of infantry and artillery. These
of course we were not in sufficient force to attack even if day-
light had permitted, and we are ordered back, the enemy mak-
ing no attempt to follow. Two of Semmes' regiments, the 10th
and 51st Georgia, had charged with us.

The following is from the interesting report of Federal
Division Commander, General Brooks:

Immediately upon entering the dense growth of shrubs
and trees which concealed the enemy, our troops were
met by a heavy and incessant fire of musketry, yet our
lines advanced until they reached the crest of the hill
in the outer skirts of the woods ivhere meeting with and
being attacked by fresh superior members of the enemy
our forces were finally compelled to withdraw.

The only fresh troops they met were 8 companies of the
9th Alabama, not numbering more than 225 men.

Major General Brooks further says: “In this brief but

sanguinary conflict this (his) Division lost nearly 1,500 men
and officers.”

General Wilcox reports (p. 861) that the Brigade buried
on our front 248; that 189 wounded were left in our hands, and
that we captured 3 flags.

Our losses while in pursuit were very few indeed. Besides

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103

the wounded lying thick along our way prisoners were taken in
the woods and in the gulleys in the open field.

Many of the Federal officers in their reports say the Con-
federates were strongly entrenched. General Wheaton says (p.
617) that we were not only entrenched but had abattis in front
of our entrenchments. But there is no truth whatever in either
of these statements. It was an impromptu battle. Our lines
were suddenly formed at a point where no fight had been an-
ticipated or prepared for. The next morning after the fight
of the 3rd, thinking the enemy might attack again, we dug rifle
pits with bayonets the men scraping up the earth with their
tin plates.

Brooks’ Division had four batteries of artillery under
Colonel John A. Tompkins, and Newton’s Division, three under
Captain Jeremiah McCartney; which, counting six pieces to the
battery, would aggregate 42 guns. Only three of these batteries,
were actively engaged. (Lieutenant Edward D.) Williston’s,
(Captain James H.) Rigsby’s and (Captain William) Hexamer’s.
One section of Hexamer’s was across the plank road, the other
two sections to the left. Rigby’s and Hexamer’s were on the
right of the road, says Colonel Tompkins (p. 566). This ar-
tillery officer’s report is instructive in some respects, how-
ever erroneous in others. He says the infantry advanced :

and after a severe contest, reached the crest, held it
a few moments and then being greatly outnumbered,
was forced to retire. It came out of the woods, mo/ny
of the regiments in great confusion, closely followed by
the enemy. Already had the batteries opened fire over
the heads of the retiring troops, firing slowly at first,
and as the enemy attempted to follow our troops, out
of the wood, rapidly, Williston, using cannister. The
enemy was checked and driven back by this fire. The
infantry formed behind the batteries, advanced, enter-
ing the wood, and held the position until darkness ended
the conflict.

Colonel Tompkins’ report is correct in showing that the
infantry never reformed until they got behind the batteries,
but his artillery did us little or no damage. We were called off

104

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

as the fugitives were reaching and forming behind the batteries.
Prior to that time Colonel Tompkins’ guns could not fire be-
cause his own men were in the way, we closely following; and
as for his stating that he fired over the heads of the infantry,
the nature of the ground, which from the woods out was nearly
level, rendered this impossible. When we reached our positions
on returning, it was so dark that the artillery fire was wild,
as well as scant. General Brooks corroborates Colonel Tomp-
kins’ statement about rallying cn the artillery. In his report
(p. 568) he says “The lines were re-established near the bat-
teries of Rigsby, (Captain Augustus N.) Parsons and WilJiston.”

Colonel Tompkins is glaringly incorrect in the statement
that the Federals afterwards advanced and entered the woods,
or that they held this position when dark came. General Wil-
cox correctly says:

The pursuit was continued as far as the toll gate.
Semmes’ Brigade (only two regiments) and my own
were the only troops that followed the retreating
enemy. In the rear of the gate were the heavy reserve
of the enemy. Our men were now halted and reformed,
it being quite dark, and retired, not pursued by the
enemy, leaving pickets to the front in the open field.

General Semmes (p. 835) says “the brunt of the battle” fell
on his Brigade, but he shows that only two of his regiments,
the 10th and 51st Georgia, participated in the countercharge,
and this he himself says was “in support of a charge made by
one or more of Wilcox’s regiments.” He had sent orders, he
says, to two other regiments to charge, but the orders did not
reach them. If they had been as closely engaged as we were,
the gallant Georgians would, like us, have needed no orders
from their General to follow the retreating enemy.

General Lee was with us at Salem Church on the next
morning after the battle and went over the lines. He had too
of course received all the reports of his subordinates before
he made his report, September 21st, and in this report he
disposes of the claim of General Semmes that “the brunt of
the battle fell” on his Brigade as follows :

The enemy’s artillery played vigorously upon our posi-
tion for some time, when his infantry advanced in

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105

three strong lines, the attack being directed mainly
against General Wilcox , but partially involving the
brigades on his left. The assault was made with the
utmost firmness and after a fierce struggle with the
first line was repulsed with great slaughter. The sec-
ond then came forward but immediately broke under
the close and deadly fire which it encountered, and the
whole masts fled in confusion to the rear. They were
pursued by the Brigades of Wilcox and Semmes (only
two regiments of Semmes') which advanced nearly a
mile when they were halted to reform in the presence
of the enemy's reserve, which now appeared in large
force. It being quite dark, General Wilcox deemed it
imprudent to push the attack with his small numbers
and retired to his original position, the enemy making
no attempt to follow.

0. R. Vol. XXV, Part I, p. 811

It was the 121st New York under Colonel (Emory) Upton,
with supports behind it, that broke through our lines, driving
the 10th Alabama back for a time upon the 9th, and this gal-
lant Colonel in his report (p. 589) is the only Federal officer
who does not claim that we had overwhelming forces that came
to our help. He says: ‘‘The enemy opposite the centre and

left wing broke, but rallied again 20 to 30 yards to his rear."

So far from seeing “overwhelming numbers" that were not
there, as did many others, Colonel Upton did not even see the
8 companies of the 9th, upon which the 10th rallied, and these
constituted our only “reinforcement." The 8 companies of the
9th Alabama did not probably number over 200, ais the 9th was
our smallest regiment. The 8th Alabama was subjected to the
supreme test of courage and discipline when it stood fast and
held the enemy in its front at bay, while its three left com-
panies made a half wheel and fired down the flank of a line
passing the regiment only a few feet away. It was this flank
fire and the simultaneous fire received in its front by Colonel
Upton's regiment that strewed the ground with a long line of
gallant New Yorkers. The loss of the 121st New York was the
heaviest sustained by any of the attacking force — 269 out of
523 — and most of the loss occurred just there. The 96th Penn-
sylvania was in front of the 8th (Colonel Upton's report) and

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

supporting the 96th Pennsylvania was the 5th Maine (Colonel
(Oliver E.) Edwards’ report, p. 584). What other regiments
the 8th encountered later is not clear.

The counter-charge of our line began when the 9th Ala-
bama rose from the ground where it had been lying, and with
much of the 10th Alabama aiding it rushed forward. As they
reached our line the 8th Alabama went with them. We drove
the enemy with a yell that made the woods ring, and the charge
was taken up successively along the line until it embraced the
whole of Wilcox’s Brigade and the two regiments of Semmesb
General Wheaton, who was near to and on the north side of
the road, says (p. 618) that before the 93rd and 102nd Penn-
sylvania engaged there, “were pushed back the troops on their
left were driven towards us in confusion.” These were the
troops that, in the language of General Lee, “drove the enemy
nearly a mile.”

Shoes, that were much needed, were among our spoils.
Am officer reported that during that night, while searching
the w.'ods for the wounded, he found “Old Robinson,” an Irish-
man of Company A, sitting on the ground by the side of a
badly wounded Federal officer, quietly smoking his pipe.

“What are you doing here, Robinson?”

The gruesome reply was: “Pm waiting on this man here.

We’s got a bit of a job to do. I took him for a dead one,
and was after pulling his boots off of him, when he said he
was dyin’ and asked me to wait till he was dead. And, faith,
he’s very slow about it!”

We buried the Federal dead in a long trench near the
Church, and allowed General Sedgwick to send surgeons to
assist us in caring for his wounded, but we had not allowed
him to “catch Cadmus.”

The loss of the regiment in this battle was 44 killed and
wounded. In Lieutenant Colonel Herbert’s report of the battle
Lieutenant C(harles R.) Rice, Captain W(illiam W.) Mordecai
and Lieutenant W(illiam R.) Sterling were mentioned as con-
spicuous for gallantry, and all were said to have acted with

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107

steady bravery. The “soldiers lately enlisted,” conscripts, were
specially mentioned. General Wilcox in his report of the battle,
O. R. Series I, Vol. XXV., p. 8G0, says, “Colonel Royston 8th
Alabama (and after his severe wound Lt. Col. Herbert who
commanded the 8th Alabama), Col. (Lucius) Pinckard, 14th
Ala., Col. Wm. H. Forney, 10th Ala., Col. J. C. C. Sanders,
11th Ala., Major J. H. J. Williams, 9th Ala., were intelligent,
energetic, and gallant in commanding; directing and leading
their men.”

The men’s roll of honor was:

Private Allen Bolling, Co. A.

Private J. N. Howard, Co. B.

Sergeant Robert Gaddes, Co. C.

Sergeant P. H. Mays, Co. D.

Sergeant T. A. Kelly, Co. F.

Private Patrick Leary, Co. 1.

Private James Reynolds, Co. K.

On the next day, May 4, General Lee had planned an
assault on Sedgwick, but the troops sent to connect on our
right with Early, who was still on the left of Sedgwick had
all day been retreating over a pontoon near Banks’ Ford. Gen-
eral Wilcox having asked permission to send a regiment in
pursuit, ordered forward the 8th. We double-quicked in that
direction. Nearing them, we could hear the rumble of artillery
and the “shoutings of the Captains” as the rear of the com-
mand was being hurried in the darkness over the river. Every-
where in the woods we picked up prisoners. Captain Fagan,
whose figures may always be relied on, records that the prisoners
captured by our Brigade were 1,020, and the rest of Anderson’s
Division brought in others, the total being about 2,000.

At 12 midnight on Tuesday we took up line of march
towards Chancellorsviile, where Hooker was still behind his
breastworks. On the way occurred a singular phenomenon —
the whole regiment was struck by lightning. The rain was just
beginning to fall from a thunder cloud. Captain Walter Winn,
Adjutant General of the Brigade, had been riding with me, and
our talk was about the Federal battery that, apparently about
a mile and half to our right over the river, was occasionally

108

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

firing 1 . Wg agreed that wg were within its range, but that GVGn
if it should turn its guns upon us we would be in but little
danger, on account of the distance. Just a-s Winn had started
off briskly and was about a horse’s length ahead, there came a
crash. My first impression was that a shell from the battery
we had been speaking of had bursted in my head. I was
severely shocked, especially in my head and left leg, but did
not fall. Captain Winn had fallen from his horse, though he
was soon revived, and every man in the regiment was more or
less shocked, many in the two rear companies being -stricken to
the ground. Several of them were sent to the hospital, but all
eventually recovered.

We continued our march in a drenching rain, and here I
quote from Captain Fagan’s article on “The Battle of Salem
Church,” in the Philadelphia TIMES. July 7, 1883:

Approaching the Chancellor House, the half drowned
men filled the air with terrible yells; the shouting
would begin at one end of the line and pass to the
other, backwards and forwards. ‘What in the hell are
you yelling about?’ demanded Major (T. S.) Mills of
Anderson’s Staff.

‘To scare Fighting Joe Hooker,’ replied a soldier. We
laid down in the mud, expecting to charge Hooker’s
works at sunrise. Advancing at dawn my picket line,

I was informed that the enemy’s works were deserted.
Awaiting orders, we passed the Chancellor House.

Here was the most sickening sight I had ever beheld.

Half buried in the mud were dead Federal soldiers,
dismounted artillery, broken caissons, disemboweled
horses, muskets, canteens, in fact, the whole para-
phernalia of war in indescribable confusion. The
blackened walls of the Chancellor House stood as a
mighty sentinel guarding the whole. Climbing with-
in Hooker’s works I examined them closely — massive,
intricate, crossing each other like the squares on a
checkerboard. Open boxes of ammunition were placed
every few yards. I have often thought that Anderson’s
division could never have carried those works unless
a panic had seized the defenders.

109

19 7 7

Those works were the most formidable 1 ever saw. They
were carefully constructed of fresh green logs piled upon each
other, longitudinal pyramids as high as a man’s shoulders.
Above, on stakes, with a crack between for muskets, was a
large head-log. For each file-closer and Field Officer, at proper
distances in the rear, was a similar breastwork of logs. In
front of the breastworks, for one hundred yards, were cheveaux-
de-frises constructed of trees fallen with their tops towards
the front and with every limb trimmed and sharpened. The
growth of small trees here in the wilderness was so heavy and
these obstructions so formidable as to make it almost impos-
sible to climb over them from the front. At the hundred yard
limit from the works the small trees and undergrowth left
standing were so thick that to bring up artillery to the attack
would have been impossible. Any assault upon the works must
therefore have been made by infantry alone. Practically the
works were impregnable, if defended with spirit.

“Old Joe Hooker,” General Jeb Stuart is recorded to have
sung, was “mighty glad to get out of the wilderness” and his
order issued to his troops after their return to the north side
of the Rappahannock, in which the General congratulated his
troops upon their recent operations, would seem to indicate
that he really was glad to have got safely away from those
breast- works ; but assuredly he was no gladder than we were,
when we looked at them.

The Government at Washington did not seem to share the
jubilation in which General Hooker indulged. Within about six
weeks Hooker was removed and General (George Gordon)
Meade put in command of the Army of the Potomac. This
was the fifth decapitation of a General of this army by General
Lee and “his people.”

Salem Church was the last severe blow given to Hooker.
That and the retreat of Sedgwick's corps the next day across the
river, decided the battle of Chancellorsville. Soon afterwards
the two armies took up again their former position north and
south of the Rappahannock river. Lee’s army was too small,
Longstreet’s corps being absent at Suffolk, to justify any at-
tempt to follow the defeated Federals across the river, and so
again for a month to come the sounds of hostile bugles were

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

heard up and down the Rappahannock for twenty miles, morn-
ing and evening; again there was a tacit truce between the
two armies, and again pickets talked to, and perhaps traded
with, each other across the stream.

Lieutenant Colonel Herbert was now in command. Colonel
Royston was never able, after his wound at Salem Church, to
return to the regiment. He was retired in the autumn of 1864,
whereupon Lieutenant Colonel Herbert was promoted to Colonel,
Major Emrich, Lieutenant Colonel and Captain Nall, Major.

Again the 8th was at Banks’ Ford; and now occurred the
only remembered instance, until just as we started on the Penn-
sylvania campaign, of firing here across the Rappahannock.
The Federals had been using balloons ever since McClellan was
before Yorktown. To many of us they seemed at first form-
idable, as an observer so high up in the air ought to be able
we thought to give our positions with accuracy. Latterly, how-
ever, since we had so often been victorious in spite of these
pretentious observers, we had come to laugh at the sky-scrapers
that always kept so well out of range of our artillerymen. But
one morning, now, perhaps, about the last of May, 1 saw, while
on picket duty just about sunrise, a balloon going up from
behind a wooded hilltop only a few hundred yards away, for
a near-by look at our lines. This seemed just a little too familiar,
and so the next morning, with the permission of General Wilcox,
I stationed just beyond the brow of a hill two field pieces.
Again the presumptuous balloonist began his morning flight
into the air. When he was up some two hundred yards, both
guns opened fire on him with shells. The aeronaut went down
safelv, but in a decided hurry, and the experiment was not
repeated fr^m that point. Captain Fagan records, in his article
on Salem Church, that this was the last of ballooning in the
Army of the Potomac during the war.

The other instance of firing across the river was on the
14th of June when General Lee having decided to begin his
Pennsvlvania campaign, we were ordered to make a demonstra-
tion upon the enemy at Banks’ Ford, for the purpose of creating
the impression that we were about to cross at the point, Lee’s
main body moving up at the same time to cross far up on our
left. It would have been in violation of good faith to shoot

down without notice the pickets over on the other side, so our
picket line was withdrawn the men calling out, as ordered to
do, “Take care of yourselves, Yanks, we are coming across !”
The Federal pickets at first laughed and said, “You are joking,
boys,” and we had to begin firing over their heads before they
would seek shelter. Gradually the lines on both sides got be-
hind their breast-works, and for some two hours there was a
brisk fusillade across the river, without any damage on either
side, so far as is known.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

1 12

CHAPTER XII
The Gettysburg Campaign

The march of the Sth to Gettsburg was without any incident
of special interest. The regiment was now, by reason of the
receipt of conscripts and of some other recruits, as well as by
the return of sick and wounded, much larger than it had been
on the Maryland Campaign, and its morale seemed to be perfect.
We were soon in the enemy’s country, and anxious for the
battle that was to be final and decisive. We had no thought
cf anything but victory. General Lee’s orders against depreda-
tion on the march were strict, and such orders were perhaps
never better observed in all the history of war by any army
of invaders. Beyond the stripping of cherry trees, branches of
which were sometimes broken off, I remember no violations.
One or two amusing incidents that occurred during this tragical
campaign ought to be recorded as we pass.

Samp Orr, one of our wagoners, during the winter that
was gone had brought with him from home, where he had gone
on furlough to the death bed of his wife, his little son, about
11 years old and also called “Samp.” There was nothing for
it but to let the little fellow stay with his father, and the
“gamin” was now the pet of the regiment, and full of mischief.
One day as we were marching along through the Dutch part of
Pennsylvania, with its well-filled barns, fat cattle and wide-
rolling stretches of such wheat as most of us had never seen,
a fat old lady whose house was comfortably ensconced a few
yards back in a clump of trees, was sweeping the road before
her front gate. A high zig-zag rail fence on either side made
a lane, and in this lane, close by the old lady, was a large
Shanghai rooster, which little Samp, not having the fear of
General Lee’s orders before his eyes, attempted to capture.
Samp ran for the rooster, and the old lady ran for Samp, and
as the three scampered one after the other along the line of
the regiment, the old lady with her uplifted brush-broom in
hand, the men shouted, “Go it, Samp! Go it, rooster! Go it,
old lady !” until finally the clumsy old Shanghai, finding that
Samp was gaining in him, attempted to escape through a crack
in the fence. The crack was not big enough— the rooster stuck
at it and Samp was just in the act of stooping to seize his

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113

prey, when the old lady's uplifted brush-broom came down on
Samp right where the bend was, and down went Samp. The
old lady was victor, her property was saved, and loud were the
cheers that went up from the regiment in praise of the gallant
old woman, whose flushed face as she gazed defiantly in the
faces of the Rebs seemed to indicate that she did not appreciate
having to fight for her rights on her own soil.

A large army is always an impressive sight, and many
were the expressions of astonishment that now greeted us from
the wondering country folk by the wayside as we tramp, tramp
along the road.

“Auntie,” said Martin Riley, a wag in Co. F., “don’t you
think there are a heap of people this year?”

“Yes, good Lord, we never will be able to get enough
soldiers to whip you folks!”

But the attitude of the people, especially among the more
intelligent, was generally that of angry defiance. In the towns
and notably in Chambersburg, the people seemed by preconcert
to have arrayed themselves in “purple and fine linen” as if to
let the “rebels” see how little the war was affecting them.
Perhaps the impression made upon us may have c one in part
from the fact that we had (to use the language of our boys)
long been unaccustomed to see people in “Idled shirts;” but
certain it is that in this town most of the folks we saw ap-
peared to be “diked out” in their very best. Women l oked
out of their windows and sat upon door steps, dressed in silks,
and often decorated with Union flags. Indeed Union flags big
and little were every wheres flying, and men were in broadcloth
and silk hats. One man, as the regiment was passing him,
in a broadcloth frock coat and with a sleek hat on his head,
had taken up his position just on the outer edge of the side-
walk. As he was gazing intently on the troops, apparently
trying to take in the full meaning of all this, and no doubt
engaged in making an estimate of our numbers, one of our men
named Donnally, an Irishman with his full share of Irish humor,
stepped briskly from out of the rank and approaching the
gentlemen from behind, took with one hand, from his own head
his dirty old worn out hat, that had lost its band and its shape

114

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

and was full of holes at the top, and with the other hand lifted
the silk hat, and the two heads exchanged coverings. The
gentleman was so astonished that for a moment he only stared
around in blank amazement and the shout that went up from
the “Rebs” made the welkin ring. About the same time a
lady, fair and fat, sat in a defiant attitude upon a door step
with a bright little Union flag pinned over her bosom.

“Madam,” said Martin Riley, of Co. F., “you had better
be particular how you flaunt that flag; these boys are in the
habit of storming breastworks wherever they see that flag
flying!”

Gettysburg

We were not in the fight on the first day of July, at
Gettysburg. Our division — Anderson’s — was for about two hours
that afternoon halted some two miles away, looking at the
smoke and listening to the sounds of the battle. The query
was in our minds — Why are we not put in? and we answered
ourselves by saying, if we were needed “Marse Bob” would
have us there.

On the morning of the 2nd of July, about 7 a.m., the
brigade was moving by the right flank below the crest of a
ridge that was to our left between us and the enemy — this to
avoid being seen as we were taking our position in the intended
line of battle. The 10th Alabama was in front, the 11th next,
and the 8th next. The 10th was sharply attacked by (Colonel
Hiram) Berden’s battalion of sharpshooters, and the 2nd Maine
regiment from behind a rock fence. When the attack was made
on the 10th, the 11th was moving diagonally across a field to
take its intended position on the left of the 10th. While it
was thus moving in line into its right flank, which was point-
ing towards the stone wall, there came a volley from behind
the rock wall. This sudden attack upon its flank caused the
11th to fall back. At this time the 8th was behind the 11th
a^d was moving by the right flank to a point still further on
the left where we were to take position. WTien the firing began
we halted, forming line parallel to the rock fence. The 10th
Alabama in the meantime had stood its ground on the right
and was gallantly driving the enemy back. As soon as un-

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115

masked by the 11th the 8th advanced upon the enemy and drove
them from the wall. This rock wall or fence was at right
angles with the enemy’s main line of battle on the heights,
and now the 8th, our left flank pointing rectangularly to the
line occupied by the enemy’s main body, we laid by that rock
fence awaiting orders until late in the afternoon. The remainder
of the brigade was stretched out on our right, and our line was
there lying, as General Wilcox says in his report, O. R. Series
I., Vol. XXVII, Part II, “at right angles” to the line which
McLaws’ Division took up near us about 2 p.m. Wilcox in his
report says:

My instructions were to advance when the troops on
my right should advance, and to report this to the
Division Commander in order that the other brigades
should advance in proper time. In order that I should
advance on my right it became necessary for me to
move off by the left flank, so as to uncover the ground
over which they had to advance.

Owing to the unexpected delay of Longstreet’s Corps to
attack, the order was not given to us to advance until late in
the afternoon, about 6:30. I now quote from the “Short His-
tory of the 8th Alabama Regiment” written in camp, and
sanctioned by the officers who were present at Gettysburg.
Speaking at first of the position we occupied at the rock fence,
after the fight in the morning, this account says:

Our line now formed a right angle with that of Barks-
dale’s Brigade, which was on the left of Longstreet’s
Corps when that corps came up. We threw ou,'t
skirmishers who kept up a brisk fire with the enemy
during the day. About 5 :30 p.m. (It was about 6 :15),
Barksdale’s Brigade moved forward and drove the
enemy before them. Wilcox ordered his brigade to
move by the left flank. We being on the left of our
brigade were therefore in front. Moving about 300
yards in this manner, the 8th was greeted on the ascent
of some rising ground, with a shower of musket balls
and grapeshot from a line of infantry about 200 yards
off and a battery of artillery on its right. Owing to
the skirmish in the morning the regiment was march-

116

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

in g in column of fours by the left. We now, under
this heavy fire changed front forward at a double
quick, each company commencing to fire as it took its
position in line. Our movement had put us far in ad-
vance and we were now exposed to the concentrated
fire of all the enemy in our front. We were suffering
terribly, and the men were impatient to charge. With
a cheer we rushed onward, and the enemy’s artillery
and infantry fell back before us.

The 8th now became in this charge separated by nearly
200 yards from the remainder of the brigade, which was
coming up on its left. This fact, strange to say, so completely
escaped our attention at the time in the excitement of battle,
that it was not known to the writer until it came to his at-
tention some thirty years afterwards, when one of the Com-
missioners of the Battlefield at Gettysburg, and the writer,
were locating the lines along which our regiment fought. This
will be explained later.

The 8th in its charge went to the right of certain houses
that were on the Emmitsburg Turnpike. The remainder of the
brigade went to the left of these houses. The 8th having
crossed the turnpike encountered some other troops in an
orchard and driving these before us we found still another line
of infantry which was near the Trostle house. These troops,
composed probably in part of those we had already driven
before us, without making any vigorous, stand, retreated by
the right flank, artillery and infantry, across a lane on their
right, having made a passage for themselves by throwing down
enough rails to make a gap.

To follow them it became necessary to “change direction
to the left.” This order was given. Holding the flag aloft,
his manly form as erect as if on drill, the color bearer, Sergeant
(E. P.) Ragsdale stepped forward in slow time, and the regiment
aligning on him made a perfect half-wheel, and then the order
was given to charge a double quick on the retreating foe. In
this charge we crossed at an oblique angle the land made of
two zig-zag fences. Climbing these fences diagonally of course
disordered the regiment. Beyond the fence it was halted and
its line reformed. I again quote from the “Short History” :

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117

About a hundred yards in front of us the enemy’s re-
treating artillery halted, wheeled about — and a storm
of grape shot whizzed around our heads. Such of their
infantry too as could be arrested in their flight now
accumulated their fire upon us. Disordered by pur-
suing them over the fences, as soon as formed, we
charged. In fact, so eager were the men that some
companies started, before the line was well formed.
‘Forward’ was now given, and we swept like a hur-
ricane over cannon and caissons. The horses were
shot down, many of the gunners died at their posts.

One little boy in blue, apparently not more than fifteen
years old, on the lead front horse of a caisson-wagon, sat erect
in the midst of the storm of battle, looking ahead, spurring
his own and whipping the off horse in the vain effort to escape
with the wagon. The little fellow was looking ahead and did
not know that the two horses behind him were shot down.
I was near enough to have touched him with my sword when
the dust flew from his jacket just under his shoulder blade,
and he fell forward dead. In the excitement of battle, the poor
fellow was killed when he was virtually a prisoner. It was
horrible.

It was at this point that I remember now to have first
seen that we were in close contact with the 11th Alabama and
the rest of the Brigade on our left.

Never perhaps in all its history did the men of the 8th
Alabama feel the thrill of victory so vividly as when with
exultant shouts we swept down the declivity over the accumu-
lated guns and caissons, altogether some twelve or fifteen in
number, that were huddled together there in the vain effort
to cross that ravine and get back to their lines upon the hill.
We felt that the supreme moment of the war had come — that
victory was with our army and we ourselves were the victors.
Passing beyond this artillery, we came to the ravine and now
took our stand there, seeking where it was afforded, shelter
behind the rocks in the fight with a fresh foe, whom we found
in lines along our front. This ravine is just to the Confederate
left of what is now pointed out as the Trostle House.

There seemed to be in front of us two compact lines, prob-
ably regiments, and here and there were groups of fugitives

118

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

endeavoring to rally. Only one or two pieces of artillery con-
tinued their fire upon us. Worn out in the fatigue of pursuit,
exhausted by the excessive July heat, and our ranks thinned
by a fearful loss of killed and wounded, we were unable to
follow up our victory. For “some thirty minutes” General
Wilcox says in his report, “the fight continued at short range
while we were in the ravine.” The enemy, seeing how few
we were and that we were unsupported by artillery, attempted
to attack. One line came within 25 steps of us but was driven
back. It was evident we could not long maintain our present
position unsupported. Will re-inf orcement come? Our Brigade
has driven the enemy nearly a mile, had captured about twelve
pieces of cannon and are now confronted by what appears to
us to be the last of the enemy’s reserves. These broken, the
day is ours. Again the enemy advances and again they are
driven back. Will help come to us? Victory is wavering in
the balance — oh, for a single Brigade appearing on the hill
behind us — even the shout announcing the approach of Con-
federate re-inforcements. But no, neither the shout nor the
troops to help us — the enemy finally break through on our left
and we are forced to fall back. They did not pursue us, but
during the night succeeded in drawing off the cannon we had
been compelled to abandon for want of re-inforcements.

General Wilcox in his report describing this fight in the
ravine says:

Seeing this contest so unequal I sent to the Division
Commander to ask that support be sent to my men,
but no support came. Three separate times did this
last of the enemy’s line attempt to drive my men back
and were as often repulsed. This struggle at the foot of
the hill on which were the enemy’s batteries, though
so unequal, was continued for some thirty minutes.

With a second supporting line, the heights could have
been carried. Without support on either my right or
my left, my men were withdrawn to prevent their entire
destruction or capture. The enemy did not pursue,
but my men retired under a heavy artillery fire, and
returned to their original position in the line and
bivouacked for the night, pickets being left on the pike.

It will be noted that General Wilcox says that he asked his

19 7 7

Division Commander (General ‘Richard H.’ Anderson) for sup-
port, and that no support came. The facts were as follows:
Three Brigades of our Division, (Brigadier General Ambrose
R.) Wright’s, (Brigadier General Edward A.) Perry’s, and
Wilcox’s, had charged in line, Wilcox on the right. Wright, who
was on the left and probably encountered fewer troops on the
advance line than we, it was reported, actually broke the
enemy’s last line and the success of Perry’s and Wilcox’s charge
was all but conclusive. Wilcox sent his aide, Captain Winn,
back to tell Anderson that with the two brigades he had in
reserve, (Brigadier General Carnot) Posey’s and Mahone’s,
we could surely win the day. Anderson replied that his corps
commander, whom he could not find, had ordered him to keep
Posey and Mahone in reserve. So he refused to help us.

Afterwards two correspondents, “P. W. A.” in a Savannah
paper, and “A” in the Richmond Enquirer, criticized General
Anderson so severely for failing to support our charge, made
on Thursday, as to cause that General to take the almost un-
precedented step of defending himself in the newspapers. The
allegations of these correspondents in relation to our fight this
day amounted to a charge that the battle of Gettysburg was lost
because we were not supported when support was at hand ;
and if there had not been strong reason for believing this to
be true, a Major General would not have gone into the news-
papers with the following card, which appears in The Richmond
Enquirer of July 31, 1863. This card the writer has had copied
from the original files of the paper, and now publishes, because
it throws a flood of light on the second day’s fight at Gettysburg.

Here is an extract from the letter in the Enquirer signed
“A” alluded to in General Anderson's card.

You will see that twice we took the McPherson
heights — the real key to the enemy’s whole position -
once by a single brigade on Thursday, and again by a
single division on Friday, and that in both instances
we lost it by the failure of proper supports to the at-
tacking parties. On whom the blame rests ^ for the
second failure I shall not attempt to say. Jhe most
careless reader will not be at loss to discover the re-
sponsible party. Of the failure to send in support in

120 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERL Y

the first assault (Thursday) the conviction is general
in this army that Major General Anderson should be
held responsible. It was a portion of his Division that
made the assault, and successful charge and tvw of his
strongest brigades, although on the field, were not
put into action. Why this was so I presume and hope
he will be able to explain when he comes to make his
official report.

In the issue of the Enquirer of July 31st is General Ander-
son's card:

Headquarters,
Anderson's Division
July 29th, 1863

To the editors of the Enquirer:

I have recently seen in the columns of the Enquirer of
the 22nd and 25th inst., a letter signed “A," and an
extract from a letter signed “P. W. A." in each of which
there are severe comments upon, and grave accusations
against the conduct of Brigadier General Mahone, Po3ey
and myself in the late military operations at Gettys-
burg.

These allegations are altogether unfounded, and un-
just.

Generals Mahone and Posey performed their whole duty
fully, faithfully, satisfactorily, to those under whose
orders they acted, and in strict accordance with the
instructions which they received from me, their imme-
diate commander.

So far as I am concerned, not a word of censure or
accusation has been preferred against me by my mili-
tary superiors to whom alone I am responsible.

On the contrary, since reading the letters, my own im-
mediate commander, under whose instructions I acted,
has voluntarily informed me that my actions, on the

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121

days referred to, were in strict conformity with his
orders.

I am, respectfully,

Your obedient servant
R. H. Anderson
Major General

To explain how I discovered so long afterwards that the
8th was separated during the charge on this line the 2nd day
of July, by about 200 yards from the remainder of the brigade.
In 1890 (Brigadier) General W. H. Forney and Colonel (John
Henry) Caldwell, formerly of our Brigade and in the battle,
and I were with Colonel (John B.) Bachelder, chief of the bat-
tle commission, on the field at Gettysburg to aid him in fixing
accurately our positions. Bachelder, having carried us to the
rock fence where we had the fight on the morning of the 2nd,
asked me to describe the course taken from that point by the
8th. Bachelder had been studying the field for years and al-
ready had a fair idea of our part in the battle. As I described
to him the route taken by the 8th, as above narrated, he lis-
tened attentively until I spoke of having turned to the left to
cross the lane made by the zig-zag fences. There he inter-
rupted me and said that I was mistaken and that there was no
such lane where he understood the 8th to have gone. I re-
asserted positively, and persisted in the assertion, although
Bachelder’s guide, who was a native of Gettysburg, sustained
his statement. Bachelder insisting that there must be some
mistake, went off with General* (David Wyatt) Aiken of
South Carolina, to locate his position, and sent the guide to
go with me while I should point out my course. As we crossed
the Emmitsburg pike the guide was surprised at my telling him
the 8th had passed certain buildings on its left, instead of its
right. He said he thought we had passed on the other side,
as it now appears the remainder of the Brigade did. Going
on with the guide over the field I had told Bachelder we passed
through, we finally found to our left the identical lane with
zig-zag fence still bounding it, and I said to the guide:

♦Editor’s Note: Aiken was a Colonel during the Civil War.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

“Here's the lane. Why did you tell me there was no such
lane here?"

He replied:

“I knew all the time this lane was here, but your Brigade
was on the other side of it, and I thought you were too. If
you had been with the Brigade, you could not have found any
such lane by turning to the left."

This incident convinced Colonel Bachelder and me beyond
a doubt that the 8th was separated some 200 yards from the
remainder of the Brigade until we came together finally when
the 8th had crossed the lane and charged down on the artillery
in the ravine near the Trostle house.

The past is curiously linked with the present. I was visit-
ing the battle field of Gettysburg the second time. Bachelder
was dead, and had been succeeded as President of the Gettys-
burg Commission by Colonel John P. Nicholson, a former Union
soldier. With him, too, I talked over the part the 8th Alabama
had taken in the fight. When describing, as above narrated,
the movement by which the regiment when attacked on the flank
cam forward into line under fire of the enemy, Colonel Nichol-
son stopped me and said:

“Now I know whom you were fighting, because the officer
in command of that regiment told me of this movement of yours
and said it was the only time he had ever seen it performed un-
der fire; and I replied to him that 1 had never heard of its
being performed at any other time during the war."

I then said that this was very complimentary, and asked
(Colonel Nicholson) to make me that statement in writing. His
reply was that he would see that officer and get him to write
me about it himself, which would be better.

I did not hear from Colonel Nicholson or from this officer
for some time, and on May 16, 1902, in order that I might get
this evidence in black and white, I wmote to Colonel Nicholson,
recalling our previous conversation on the subject, reciting the
facts again, and then added :

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123

When I was at Gettysburg last I went over the matter
with you and you said, after I had described the move-
ment of changing front forward under fire, that it was
a New Jersey regiment with which I had become en-
gaged; that you had heard the commanding officer of
that regiment speak of that movement as the only
similar movement under fire he had ever witnessed;
and you also stated to me that you had never known of
its being performed at any other time. I asked you to
write me to that effect, and you agreed that you would
do so. Sometime afterwards I received a letter from
you, together with a map of the battle field, upon which
you asked me to mark out the route of my regiment
on that day, and in reply you were to write me as above
indicated. Unfortunately, I have lost that map and
have neglected so far to comply with your request.
Will you be good enough to write me in relation thereto,
and very much oblige me.

May 26, 1902

Hon. H. A. Herbert,

My Dear Colonel — It will always remain to me
a matter of regret that I was not aware of your con-
templated visit, but I left for Washington the night
before to be present at the reinterment of my old com-
mander, General Rosecrans.

General Sewell, when I expressed to him your desire
to have a statement of the movement of your regiment,
promised that he would write the details to you, as
he saw it whilst commanding the 5th New Jersey.
From time to time I reminded him of your wishes and
I inferred that he had done so. It is too bad that he
did not do so after his many promises.

I will search further.

Yours truly,

John P. Nicholson

124 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

General (William J.) Sewell* had died without writing
me.

Referring to the movement of the 8th on this day, when
it changed front forward on tenth company with such precision
in the face of a heavy fire from the enemy, it will be remembered
that Captain Mordecai of Co. H., had complained to the com-
manding officer when we were at Banks* Ford, about what
he called “so much unnecessary drilling.” On the night of the
2nd, after the battle of that day was over, Mordecai said to
me:

“Colonel, I want to beg pardon. I will never complain again
about your drilling the regiment. If we had not been splendidly
drilled, we would have been whipped this morning like hell,
before we ever got into line !”

Gettysburg, July 3, 1863

The following is an account of the 8th in this battle, as taken
from the “Short History” written in camp at Orange, C. H.

On this day our Brigade was formed in rear of Alex-
ander’s Artillery and remained there during the most
terrific cannonnading that has ever shaken this con-
tinent.

One hundred and twenty pieces of artillery on our side,
replied to by about an equal number from the enemy,
pealed their thunder upon the air for half an hour,
when our artillery fire ceased. (Major General George
Edward) Pickett’s Division charged and was repulsed.
Wilcox’s Brigade, much reduced by yesterday’s battle
and Perry’s, small before but now reduced to a hand-
ful, were ordered forward.

We were altogether not 1,500 men. What we could
have been expected to effect has always remained a
mystery. The enemy in our front must have been

♦Editor’s Note: Sewell was a Colonel at the Battle of Gettysburg.

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125

20,000 strong, their line was almost impregnable by na-
ture and at least 50 pieces of artillery could be brought
to bear upon us.

Our artillery was silent for want of ammunition. At a
glance of the eye from the brow of the hill, where we
formed, every private at once saw the madness of the
attempt, but never was their courageous devotion to
duty more nobly illustrated than by their calm and quiet
obedience to orders on this day.

We moved forward under the concentrated fire of all
the enemies' batteries, which not being otherwise em-
ployed, devoted their attention to us.

Shells bursting in the ranks, made great gaps in the
regiment. These at the command “guide center” were
closed up as if on drill and we continued forward.
Having reached a ravine about 500 yards to the front, a
force of the enemy was observed bearing down on our
left flank. We halted for a moment ; it became evident
that nothing could save us but retreat. The order was
therefore given and we fell back to our former position
in support of the artillery. The enemy not advancing,
there was no further fighting during the day.

The loss of the regiment at Gettysburg was 262 killed,
wounded and missing. This loss is considerably greater than
appears in the official records but the figures here given are
from rolls of the regiment and I believe are correct. Of 26
officers, 17 were killed and wounded. Among the killed were
Captain (C. P. B.) Branagan, Co. I., Lieutenant B. J. Fuller,
Co. K., and Lieutenant George Schwartz, Co. G, all gallant
officers. Captain L. A. Livingston, Co. F., a brave and faithful
officer, and Lieutenant (R(obert) R. Scott, heretofore men-
tioned for gallantry, afterwards died of wounds received here.

The color sergeant L. P. Ragsdale, was conspicuous for the
coolness with which he obeyed orders in the thickest of the
fight. Privates A. Rothschild, Co. G., James Reynolds and S. H.
White, Co. K., Sergeant L. P. Bulger, Co. B., were conspicuous
for bravery.

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In his report 0. R. Yol. XXVI, Series 1, Part 2, page 620,
General Wilcox says :

The regimental commanders were active and zealous
in commanding and directing their men. Lieutenant
Colonel Herbert of the 3th, Lieutenant Colonel Shelly
of the 10th, Lieutenant Colonel (George P.) Tayloe
of the 11th and Captain King are all deserving of es-
pecial praise.

Interval Between Pickett's Charge and
Advance of Wilcox’s and Perry’s Brigade

It will be noted that in this account, written in camp seven
or eight months after the battle of Gettysburg, I wrote, speaking
of this charge: “What we could have been expected to effect
has always remained a mystery.” This expression, like every
other sentence in the account, had the approval of all the of-
ficers who were present when it was written. Pickett’s charge
had already been practically repulsed when we were ordered
forward, and it never occurred to any officer of the 8th, nor
when this account was written January, 1864, had it been even
suggested to any of us, that we had been expected to support
Pickett’s charge. On the contrary, our speculation was that
we had simply been ordered forward on the right of where
Pickett had charged and after his repulse as a forlorn hope
to prevent the enemy from making a counter charge.

The writer was greatly surprised three years since, in con-
versation with General E. P. Alexander, Longstreet’s chief of
artillery, to learn from him that it had been the intention of
General Lee that Wilcox should go forward with Pickett, but
that somehow or another the orders had miscarried. And this
is an important point in the general history of the battle.

I now quote from General Wilcox’s report, 0. R., Series 1,
Vol. XXVII, Part II, capitalizing the words in that report
which bear upon the account above as to the interval between
Pickett’s charge and ours :

Pickett’s Division now advanced, and other brigades on
his left. As soon as these troops rose to advance, the

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hostile artillery opened upon them. These brave men
(Pickett’s) nevertheless moved on, as far as I saw
them, without wavering. The enemy’s artillery opposed
them on both flanks and directly in front. Every va-
riety of artillery missiles were thrown into their ranks.

The advance had not been made more than TWENTY
OR THIRTY MINUTES BEFORE THREE STAFF
OFFICERS IN QUICK SUCCESSION (ONE FROM
THE MAJOR GENERAL COMMANDING DIVISION)
gave me orders to advance to the support of Pickett’s
Division. My brigade, about 1,200 in number, then
moved forward in the following order from right to
left: Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, Eighth, and Fourteenth

Alabama Regiments. As they advanced, they changed
directions slightly to the left, so as to cover in part
the ground over which Pickett’s division had moved.
As they came in view on the turnpike, all the enemy’s
terrible artillery that could bear on them was concen-
trated upon them from both flanks and directly in
front, and more than on the evening previous. NOT
A MAN OF THE DIVISION THAT I WAS ORDERED
TO SUPPORT COULD I SEE; but as my orders
were to go to their support, on my men went down the
slope until they came near the hill upon which were
the enemy’s batteries and entrenchments.

Here they were exposed to a close and terrible fire of
artillery. Two lines of the enemy’s infantry were seen
moving by the flank toward the rear of my left. I or-
dered my men to hold their ground until I could get
artillery to fire upon them. I then rode back rapidly
to our artillery, but could find none near that had am-
munition. After some little delay, not getting any ar-
tillery to fire upon the enemy’s infantry that were on
my left flank, and knowing that my small force could
do nothing save to make a useless sacrifice of them-
selves, I ordered them back. The enemy did not pursue.
My men, as on the day before, had to retire under a
heavy artillery fire. My line was reformed on the
ground it occupied before it advanced.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

General Alexander in his “Memoirs’’ recently published,
after describing Pickett’s repulse says (italics mine) :

After about twenty minutes during which the firing
had about ceased , to my surprise there came forward
from the rear Wilcox’s fine Alabama brigade, which
had been with us at Chancellorsville, and, just sixty
days before, had won the affair at Salem Church. It
had been sent to reinforce Pickett but was not in the
column. Now when all ivas over the single brigade
was moving forward alone. They were about 1,200
strong, and on their left were about 250, the remnant
of Perry’s Florida brigade. It was both absurd and
tragic.

The enemy did not attempt to attack us after repulsing
Pickett’s assault; and the assault of our little handful of men,
subsequently made. When we fell back we resumed our former
position in line on the brow of that ridge where we had lain
when the battle of that day began. Soon General Lee, on
Traveller and accompanied by an aide, rode slowly along our
front, and the majestic mien of horse and rider, both calm
as a May morning, would have tended to reassure us, if reas-
surance had been necessary. We had been repulsed and as it
afterwards turned out, defeated, but we were not demoralized.
Every man of us felt that if the enemy should attack us in our
position his repulse would be as disastrous as ours had been.

All that day our army remained in line, and that night,
it is now said, in a council of war among the generals of the
Union army the question was seriously discussed, whether they
should not retreat. They did not retreat, nor did we the next
day until night fall came.

On the 4th day of July both armies laid a line of battle
like two wounded tigers, tired of the fray, prone on the ground,
panting and glaring at each other with blood-shot eyes. Before
night fall on that day Lee’s wagon trains began the retreat,
and at night the army took up the march. Meade followed
warily, evidently not intent upon a general engagement, but
rather as if he would “build a bridge of gold for his enemy”
to pass over the Potomac on. The river was in angry mood,

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129

swollen high with recent rains. It was difficult now, if not
impossible, for Lee to cross.

He drew up in line of battle near Hagerstown, Maryland,
and Meade did not attack. He appeared in our front and there
was some slight skirmishing in which the 8th stationed near
St. James’ College, lost one man, wounded. After two or three
days the Potomac having fallen, Lee crossed over the river
without molestation except an attack on our rear-guard near
the bridge; and here the gallant (Brigadier) General (Johnston)
Pettigrew lost his life. I knew him well. We had been mess
mates in Prison at Fort Delaware, and no knightliei gentleman
than he ever drew sword in defense of his native land. Lee onc.e
over the river the campaign was ended. The enemy kept them-
selves at a respectful distance, and General Lee rested and re-
cruited as best he could.

Meade was afterwards removed, the specific charge against
him being that he did not attack and crush Lee before the latter
could cross the Potomac; and Meade was thus the fifth officer
who had been displaced from command of the army of the
Potomac by Mr. Lincoln for his failure to crush General Lee.

In the opinion of Lee’s army then, and in my opinion now,
General Meade was wiser than Mr. Lincoln. The General knew
better than his President could know the temper and mettle
of the two armies. Lee’s army did not then look upon Gettys-
burg as a defeat — but only as a repulse. Our reasoning was
that the enemy’s position had simply been impregnable, and
even while we were retreating we indulged in the boast that
they dared not attack us in the open field of fair fight. Not
during the civil war, nor indeed until in a cooler survey of
the whole field of operations after Appomattox, did Lee’s vet-
erans ever admit to themselves that Gettysburg — now called
by northern writers the “high tide of the Rebellion” — » was
a defeat for our armies. Such indeed it now proves to have
been. We were repulsed and we retreated, but if Meade had
attacked us at St. James’ College, near Hagerstown, the feeling
in our army was that the victory this time would be ours again.
It is now sometimes contended that after Gettysburg Lee did
not have ammunition for another great battle. This seems
plausible, but if reserve ammunition was scarce we, the rank
and file, did not know it.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

I have studied the battle of Gettysburg with considerable
care, and it may not be amiss to record here briefly some
opinions which, however, I have not time to fortify by reasons.

First. If the Confederate forces at hand had been promptly
thrown forward in the afternoon of July 1st we would have
captured the heights easily. Our Division (Anderson’s) was
close enough to be available.

Secondly. If in the battle of the second of July the two
reserve Brigades of General Anderson’s Division had been sent
in to cur help as requested by General Wilcox, we should have
gone through the enemy’s left center.

Third. If on the second of July the assault had been made
on our right three or four hours earlier, as contemplated by
General Lee, we would have won a great victory.

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131

CHAPTER XIII

Gettysburg to Winter Quarters, Orange C.H.

I have recorded the fact that Lee’s army never during the
war (the rank and file of it) admitted that we had been whipped
at Gettysburg. Strategically, as I have stated, we were de-
feated, because the battle ended our campaign into Pennsyl-
vania; but the student of history will understand my most posi-
tive assertion, that Lee’s army considered Gettysburg as a drawn
battle, when he takes into account the following facts which
we had in mind.

At no time for the next ten months, from the 3rd of July;
1863, until the 3rd of May, 1864, did the Army of the Potomac
dare to attack General Lee; and this although Lee was at all
times accessible, always present between the Federals and
Richmond. The outposts of the two armies were never out of
touch, and early in the autumn of 1863 Lee quietly took position
at Orange C. H. behind the Rapidan river. Meade’s army now
appearing in our fr nt, Lee took the offensive by crossing the
river and offering battle on the plains of Culpepper. Meade
retreated ; Lee pushed on and at Rristoe Station on October 14th
a portion of the Federal rear-guard, successfully concealed be-
hind a railroad embankment, disastrously repulsed one of our
Brigades that was in hot pursuit and had been led to believe
that a railroad embankment which it was rushing upon un-
warily was unoccupied. Meade got his army away without a
fight and this little affair added some eclat to his escape; and
it was an escape from battle. Meade refused this battle when
he, of course, knew that Lee had a few weeks before sent away
Longstreet with 9 brigades and 26 pieces of artillery to help
(General Braxton) Bragg in the Chickamauga campaign, and
these troops did not return.

The 8th was not in the affair at Bristoe, except that we
were heavily shelled at a distance, and lost one man killed and
seven wounded. Strange to say, the man killed had his skin
nowhere broken — a shell had bent his musket partly around
his body; his wound was internal.

In the latter part of November Meade seemed to have made
up his mind to again try conclusions with Lee, and so crossed

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

his army over the river some distance below Orange C. H., and
to our right. Lee promptly changed front to meet him, and
there was some skirmishing, during which at Mine Run on
the 30th of November our regiment had one man wounded.
Meade being slow to attack, General Lee moved on him, but the
Federal army got back to its own side of the river without a
battle.

Again in February when Meade was demonstrating in the
direction of Madison C.H., we marched down there in the rain
and sleet over almost impassable roads, but Meade again retired
before us.

The army of Northern Virginia under Lee remained in
quarters near Orange C. H., during October, December, Janu-
ary, March, and April, the enemy on three distinct occasions
within three months, refusing battle when offered. Thus as
before stated, although as we now see, Gettysburg w r as a de-
feet for our army, yet the rank and file of the Confederates had
reasons for their refusal during the war to consider that en-
gagement as anything else than a drawn battle, in which both
armies occupied their original position on the 4th of July, the
day after the fight ended. Our claim was that the shock we
had given Meade’s army on the impregnable heights of Gettys-
burg, had so paralyzed it that it dared not assault us on the
ne^t day, declined to attack us when we lay for three days
near Hagerstown, with the Potomac impassable behind us, de-
clined battle when Lee offered it on the plains of Culpepper
in the middle of October, refused to fight when Lee moved
against it after it had crossed the Rapidan in the latter part
of November, declined battle again at Madison C. H., and
allowed us to remain in camp at Orange C. H., absolutely un-
disturbed during the whole winter of 1863-4.

What our enemy thought, during this period, of General
Lee is well illustrated by a conversation the writer had (per-
haps in January) with an Irish Lieutenant of a New York regi-
ment, whom he had met out between the picket lines when
negotiating to pass a lady through the lines on her way North.

“Well,” said the Lieutenant, “we are on our way to Rich-
mond again.”

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133

“Yes,” was the reply, “but you’ll never get there.”

“Oh, yes, we will,” came th eanswer. “We’ll get there after
while; and if you will swap Generals with us, we will get there
in three weeks.”

It is needless to say that the proposition for an exchange
was politely declined. As we parted we took a drink of the
gallant young Irishman’s good whiskey, to the toast he offered
“May the best man win.” The bigger man won. Both men were
plucky.

Orange C. H., Winter 1863-4

There was a sound of revelry by night

And Belgium’s capital had gathered then

Her beauty and her chivalry, and bright

The lamp shone o’er fair women and brave men.

The ball at Brussels on the night before the battle of Water-
loo, pictured in Byron’s celebrated verses, had its counterpart
in the festivities that took place in and near Orange C. H.,
during the three winter months of 1863-4, and continued with-
out interruption down to the very moment when in the early
days of May, Lee’s forces broke camp, and marched a few miles
away down to the dreadful battlefield of the Wilderness. Never
at any time since we had been cheered in 1861 on our way to
Richmond had our army, at least that part of it to which the
8th Alabama belonged, seen so much of lovely woman as during
this winter. For months, and even years, in camp and on the
march we had dreamed of ruddy cheeks, of soft voices and of
bright eyes like those that now beamed a welcome to us; and
here they were, everywhere for miles around Orange C. H.,
the Willises, the Caves, the Bulls, the Jones, the Pairos, the
Taliaferros, and others. Never were more charming women
than these, some of them refugees from Baltimore and else-
where, but most of them Virginia girls; and never did even
such women have more enthusiastic admirers. Our officers had
music at their command, the girls could furnish spacious man-
sions and night after night did we “chase the glowing hours with
flying feet.” It may seem strange to a civilian that there should

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

have been so much gaiety, when danger was so imminent. We
knew the situation. A list of casualties up to that time among
the officers of the 8th Alabama, made up in camp at Orange
C. H., showed that the complement of fighting officers in the
regiment (4 to a company, an adjutant, and three field officers)
being only together 44, the casualties among our officers had
been 47, viz. 19 killed, 27 wounded and one dead of disease.
We knew too that the blockade was shutting us in, that with
us recruiting was practically at an end, that the North was in-
creasing its vastly superior armies from both natives and for-
eigners, and that we alone must stand between these armies
and the capital of the Confederacy. And yet, sensible as we
were of the dangers that confronted us, the days flew by, with
many of us at least, as merrily as any we can count in all the
checkered calendar of the past. Possibly a dance in those days
was all the merrier because of the feeling that it might be the
last — the dance of death. It was only a few days before the
Wilderness battle began when grim old Jubal Early, looking on
with an elderly lady friend while a lot of young officers were
gliding gaily over the floor with their happy partners, said to
her:

“Madam, if you have any message to send to the next world,
you may give it to one of these young men, and he’ll deliver it
in a few weeks.”

Concurrently with these gayeties, a deep, wide-spread religi-
ous movement was going on in the Regiment and throughout
the Brigade. Men who had devoted themselves to their coun-
try’s cause were profoundly impressed with a sense of their
duties to God. Protracted meetings were held, fervent appeals
were made, by the eloquent Chaplain of the 10th Alabama and
other preachers. New members were added to the churches
and the zeal of professing Christians were quickened and in-
tensified. The members of the Irish Company “I” were mostly
Catholics. They took no part in the revivals but always earn-
estly welcomed the frequent visits of the Priest, who was Chap-
lain of a Louisiana Regiment and the effect of the prolonged
stays of this excellent man was always noticeable. Indeed the
gayeties of which account has been given were by no means
inconsistent with the deep religious feeling that pervaded all
ranks. Profanity and ribald speech were almost wholly un-

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135

known. Lee’s army at Orange C. H., was not fanatical like
Cromwell’s, but it was a body of enlightened Christians led
by a General who as a Christian has had no superior in the
world’s history.

The 8th Alabama was hutted in a wood about one and a
half miles from Orange C. H., near the house of old Captain
Cave, who had two lovely daughters. The writer was to ride
as the knight of one of Captain Cave’s daughters, Miss Nina,
at a tournament which was to take place in (General Ambrose
Powell) Hill’s Corps (^urs) on the 1st of May. It turned out
that I was not to attend the tourney, because the 8th on the
day before was sent to the front to strengthen our outposts;
but Miss Nina had already, in compliment to her knight, pre-
sented to the regiment a tassel and two beautiful pennants for
its flag. On the pennants, one red, and the other white, were
printed the names of the principal battles in which the regi-
ment had been engaged. The history of these pennants I digress
here to tell of, as it shows how curiously incidents of the long-
ago often confront us in the present. In 1896, the writer was
spending a few days at the Chamberlin Hotel at Old Point
Comfort, Va., and John A. Browne, a former member of Co.
“D” 8th Alabama, who had married a Virginia girl, and was
now a resident of Suffolk, Va., where he had risen to promi-
nence, came over to see him. Browne had with him the identi-
cal tassel and pennants Miss Cave had given me at Orange C. H.
These pennants had fallen into his hands, when the men of the
regiment tore up the flag at Appomatox rather than surrender
it as will be hereafter related. When I called Browne’s atten-
tion to the fact that these pennants had been given to me by
Miss Cave he left it for me to decide whether they belong to
him or to me. I felt bound to decide in his favor on the ground
that he had saved them and had so long had them in possession.
He thanked me heartily and promised to will them to me or
mine at his death. Browne, brave fellow, has since died and
his widow has since sent me the tassel and pennants which I
prize beyond expression.

In giving the list of officers who had been killed and
wounded my account written at Orange, C. H., says:

In the above list of wounded (27 officers) those who

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

were wounded while enlisted men and have since been
promoted are not counted.

The list also included “Resigned and transferred to other
command's by promotion, 27.” The account also said, show-
ing the remarkable mutations, “Only eight company officers re-
main on the rolls who were such at the beginning.”

There never was in the regiment, from first to last, any
lack of material for good officers. Of course there were in the
command, as there always must be in such a body, some cowards.
One officer, whose name must be consigned to the oblivion he
made for himself, had been cashiered for cowardice. This fellow
had been noted at home as a bully, a desperado who killed two
men. Before his doughty sword it was expected that hecatombs
of “hated Yankees” were to fall ; but from him the Yankees were
quite safe. Per contra, the “dandies” of the regiment, as they
were called in that day, the “dudes” of this, were never known
to run away in battle. They were too proud.

It will be remembered that we had enlisted in May and
June, 1861, for “three years, or the war.” The three years
were soon to expire, and my account of what now occurred,
written at Orange C. H., is as follows:

On the 29th of January the regiment reenlisted uncon-
ditionally for the war. The reenlistment was conducted
entirely by non-commissioned officers and privates.
During the month of January, rations had been scantier
than at any previous period. The then usual ration of
bacon, % of a pound, was frequently cut down to 2
ounces and often no meat at all was issued. A full
ration of bacon was % of a pound. On the day of
reenlistment the men had not a mouthful of meat.

When the resolutions for reenlistment had been prepared
and received general assent they were read at an evening dress
parade, and the announcement was made that the color bearer
w uld step three paces to the front, and that all who intended
to reenlist would as their names were called, align themselves
on the colors. Every man except one, who was quite old,
stepped up to the color line. As one of the members of Co, I

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137

came forward, some one said, “You, too, Regan ?” “Yes,” was
the reply. “Do you think I ate grape shot at Sharpsburg for
nothing?”

A few days later General Lee issued this order: (Series I,

Vol. XXXIII, pp. 144-5).

General Order: Headquarters Army of Northern

Virginia, No. 14
February 3, 1864

The commanding general announces with gratification
the reenlistment of the regiments of this army for the
war, and the reiteration of the war regiments of their ‘
determination to continue in arms until independence
is achieved. This action gives new cause for the
gratitude and admiration of their countrymen. It is
hoped that this patriotic movement, commenced in the
Army of Tennessee, will be followed by every brigade
of the Army of Northern Virginia and extend from
army to army until the soldiers of the South stand in
one embattled host determined never to yield.

The troops which initiated this movement, so honora-
ble to themselves and so pleasing to the country, are
Hart’s (South Carolina) battery, (Colonel Cullen A.)
Battle’s (Alabama) brigade, (Brigadier General George
C.) Dole’s (Georgia) brigade, (Brigadier General S.
Dodson) Ramseur’s (North Carolina) brigade, the lltli
and 8th Alabama Regiments , and the 47th Regiment
North Carolina troops.

Soldiers, imitate this noble example and evidence to<
the world that you never can be conquered. The bless-
ing of God upon your undaunted courage will bestow
peace and independence to a grateful people.

R. E. Lee, General.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER XIV
The Wilderness to Petersburg

On the 5th of May, 1864, at 2 o’clock p.m., we broke camp
and leaving Orange, C. H., and all its joyous memories behind
us, took the plank road in the direction of the Wilderness. At
8 p.m., we halted at Vediersville, a few miles from where the
first day’s battle had been progressing the day before.

General (Ulysses S.) Grant, the hero of Fort Donelson and
Vicksburg, had been placed in command of all the armies of
the Union and had taken personal charge of the Army of the
Potomac. This army he had reenforced at will from other
armies, and by new recruits from many States, until in his
opinion and that of the administration at Washington his forces
were amply sufficient easily to drive Lee’s relatively small
army out of the way and march straight to Richmond.

Grant’s superiority in artillery was even greater than in
the number of his troops, and he could count on receiving,
and did get afterwards during the campaign that was now
beginning, additional re-enforcements in great numbers.

As soon as Grant had crossed the river Lee on the 5th of
May had attacked him in the Wilderness, where the woods and
undergrowth were so thick that artillery could not be used;
and so it was on the 5th, as again on the 6th, an infantry
battle. At 5 o’clock on the morning of the 6th our Brigade
took up iine of march along the plank road for the battlefield,
soon diverging into the woods on the left, where just as we
were about to cross a little morass there was a halt, and all
the field officers of the Brigade dismounted, sending their
mounts to the rear and marching forward on foot, until at a
point in the woods a few rods to our left of the plank road
we halted again and formed in line of battle, the men lying
down to receive the expected attack, our skirmishers having
been thrown well out to the front. General Wilcox had recently
been promoted to Major General, and was not allowed to carry
his old Brigade with him into his new division, a privilege for
which he had most earnestly begged. Brigadier General Abner

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139

Perrin, had been assigned to command of our Brigade. Lieu-
tenant Colonel Herbert was in command of the regiment.
Colonel Royston had been absent since he was wounded at
Salem Church, May 3, 1863. Major Emrich was absent, sick.

In the early morning, say about 7 o’clock, a brisk firing
on our skirmish line indicated that the enemy were advancing,
and soon our skirmishers began to come in, the enemy’s heavy
line of skirmishers following them closely. The woods were
so thick that one could not be seen, even in the most open
places, more than seventy-five or eighty yards. Colonel Herbert
had been talking to his men, warning them that no man was
to fire until the order was given. He had just quoted the cele-
brated language of General (Israel) Putnam — “We must not
open on them until we can see the whites of their eyes,” when
he was severely wounded by a sharpshooter. Stih the men,
obeying orders, did not fire. Immediately Captain Nall, the
next in rank, assumed command, taking the same position
Colonel Herbert had occupied. In a moment he too was severely
wounded; and still the men did not fire. Then Captain H. C.
Lea took command. The main line of the enemy was now close
by, coming up in fine style, when our men opened fire. The
enemy were at once staggered, and after a volley or two began
to retreat, the Brigade following them with a murderous fire.
In the charge Captain Lea was wounded and then the command
fell upon Captain Mordecai. We drove the enemy back with
great slaughter probably a half mile or more. The gallant
(Brigadier) General (James S.) Wadsworth, one of the most
efficient and popular officers in Grant’s army, was found
wounded in front of the 8th. We sent him to the Field Hospital
in our rear, to be cared for; but his wound was mortal and he
died the next day.

The regiment was also slightly engaged the next day. Our
loss in the two days’ fighting — which was every slight, how-
ever, on the 7th — was forty-six killed, wounded and missing,
the only officers wounded being the three above mentioned who
were successively in command.

The carnage of the two days’ fight at the Wilderness was
dreadful, though larger on the side of the Federal troops than

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on the Confederates. Alexander’s estimate of numbers and
losses is: Federals 101,895, losses 18,366. Confederates 61,025,
killed and wounded 7,750, missing unknown. General Grant
now rapidly swung his army off by the left flank in the direction
of Spotsylvania C. H,

The author finds in the official records of the war no
report from General Perrin of the part our Brigade took in
this fight. Special reports from the commanding officers of
the Brigade are from this time forward indeed almost entirely
wanting, resulting from the fact that the fighting hencefor-
ward, even down to Appomatox, was so continuous and the
operations so absorbing that our Brigade, and indeed Division
commanders, seemed to have had little time within which to
make and send in special accounts of battles. The gallant Gen-
eral Perrin, who commanded us at the Wilderness, was killed
five days afterwards leading our attack at Spotsylvania, and
this accounts for the lack of any report of the part taken by
our Brigade in either of these battles.

It may be said here also that while Captain Fagan’s diary
is specif ; c as to the important dates of battles and losses, as
are also the historical memoranda made out on the 1st day of
January, 1865, by Lieutenant Colonel Emrich, the writer there-
after absent on account of his wounds is obliged for want of
specific data to forego any attempt to describe particularly the
part taken by the 8th Alabama in many of the battles in which
it was subsequently engaged.

The regiment was slightly engaged on May 8th at Brad-
shaw’s Farm, and on the 9th reach Spotsylvania C. H., where
occurred one of the bloodiest contests of the whole war, much
of which centered around what is known in history as the cele-
brated “bloody angle,” where the Confederate General (Edward)
Johnson was captured by the enemy, with 1,200 prisoners. Our
Division, R. H. Anderson’s, assisted in the final repulse of the
enemy, the 8th Alabama losing in killed and wounded twenty-
six, including among the latter the brave Captain John McGrath.
Besides losing here, as has been said, Brigadier General Perrin,
Captain Walter Winn, the gallant Adjutant General of the
Brigade, was wounded.

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141

After General Grant’s second bloody repulse which occurred
at this point he again swung his army off by the left flank,
and at about this time gladdened the hearts at Washington by
his celebrated saying, that he was going to “fight it out on this
line, if it took all the summer.” Grant had now come to see
that it was no easy task, indeed that it was well nigh impos-
sible, to crush Lee and his veterans even with his superior
numbers by direct attack. But Lee’s army would not be able,
Grant reckoned (and correctly too) to withstand heavy and
continuous losses. Of recruits Lee could get few, or none. The
resources of the Union army were practically unlimited. At-
trition would finally accomplish results. Grant could afford to
give two, or even three, men for one, and ultimately the power
of the Army of Northern Virginia to continue the struggle
would come to an end.

The regiment remained at Spotsylvania C. H., until the
21st of May. On May 24th at Hanover Junction the 8th and
11th Alabama made quite a successful movement. Marching
by the flank through an interval in the enemy’s lines, they
swept down the line for a distance, and captured fifty-five
prisoners, with a loss of 8 killed and wounded.

On June 1st the regiment fought at Totopotomoy Creek,
again losing 8 killed and wounded. From this place it marched
to the battlefield of Cold Harbor.

Cold Harbor

There Grant had made up his mind to make another such
direct attack upon Lee as he had ventured at Spotsylvania, and
the 8th Alabama took part in that memorable contest. The
losses incurred in the brave but unsuccessful assaults made
by the Federal troops were so appalling that for a short time
thereafter, as historians now record, the dismay at Washington
and throughout the North was such as to cause the question to be
seriously mooted by some eminent statesmen, whether or not
terms of peace should be offered to the Confederacy.

The loss of the 8th Alabama was fifteen killed and
wounded. Up to and including the battle of Cold Harbor on

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the 3rd of June, thirty days after Grant had crossed the
Rapidan, the losses of the Union army, in killed, wounded and
prisoners were 54,949, amost equal to the whole number Lee
had under his command when this campaign began at the
Wilderness.

After the repulse at Cold Harbor Grant again swung his
army off by the left flank, and on June 13th the 8th was again
engaged at White Oaks Swamp, losing two only.

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143

CHAPTER XV
Petersburg — The Crater

On June 18th Grant having reached his gun boats on the
James River, and helving crossed that stream to assault Peters-
burg, our Brigade crossed the James at Chaffin’s Bluff, and
reached Petersburg at 5 p.m., where the regiment took posi-
tion in line near Battery No. 30.

All the world now knows authoritatively, from the reports
of General Lee as well as by common tradition, how our troops
suffered during the campaign from the Wilderness to Appomat-
tox for want of clothing, shoes and food. The lack of full
rations had become so common that in the diary of Captain
Fagan, upon which the writer is now largely relying for accurate
information as to the 8th Alabama at Petersburg, the food
question is for months scarcely ever mentioned. The gallant
Captain took it as a matter of course that the boys must be
content with whatsoever the poor Confederacy could afford
them. But it is refreshing to read the following entry by him,
on Thursday, July 21 :

Daniel returned, and we have a vegetable dinner, for

the first time this year. We had cabbage, squash, Irish

potatoes, beets, and tomatoes, with plenty of vinegar.

Just think of the happy fellow, how he enjoyed that dinner
“with plenty of vinegar!”

Attack on the Enemy’s Left Flank, June 22, 1864

The following description of this battle is taken from Cap-
tain Fagan’s diary, supplemented by a letter to him from J. M.
Richardson, who, Captain Fagan says, has a very retentive
memory and was one of the best soldiers of his old Company, K.

Ever since Grant’s repulse at the Wilderness he had been
moving from time to time to get upon Lee’s right flank, Lee
always confronting him wherever he formed his line. Thus
maneuvering the two armies had gradually swung around an
arc that stretched from the Rapidan to the front of Peters-

144

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

burg; and now on the 22nd of June General Grant suddenly
found that Lee was on the offensive. The Divisions of An-
derson, Wilcox and (Major General) Bushrod R. Johnson, with
Mahone’s had been ordered to march into a gap left between
the 2nd and 6th Corps stretched towards the Weldon Railroad.
The fighting .seems largely to have been done by the Alabama,
Georgia, and Virginia Brigades of Mahone’s Division, as it
was the troops of these Brigades that captured all the flags
taken from the enemy. The Alabama Brigade was on the left
in the attack, and the 8th Alabama was on the left of our
Brigade. The Alabamians marched through the woods and the
8th was halted and laid down in front of the enemy’s breast-
works, where it was subjected to a terrific fire. Three color
corporals, one named George Harris of Company K, and the
names of the other two not remembered, were shot down.

In the meantime, the other four regiments of the Ala-
bamians, together with the Georgians and Virginians, moved
on the extreme left flank of Grant’s army and then all ad-
vanced together. The enemy fled in great confusion, losing
1,600 prisoners and ten flags. Of these the 11th Alabama cap-
tured the colors of the 106th Pennsylvanians and the 42nd
New York (Tammany Regiment). The colors of the 19th
Massachusetts were captured by the 2nd Georgia Battalion;
of the 15th Massachusetts by the 3rd Georgia; of the 7th New
Jersey by the 6th Virginia; of the 5th Michigan by the 41st
Virginia; while the 61st Virginia captured one United States
flag, regiment not known.

As soon as we had occupied the works of the enemy, our
men expecting an attack provided themselves each with two
guns of those captured from the enemy, and loaded them, every
man of the 8th (and it is probably true of the other regiments)
had not only his own, but two loaded guns besides. Soon the
enemy were reenforced and made a gallant attack to recapture
their works, but they were disastrously repulsed.

That night our troops returned to their stations with the
spoils. The loss of the 8th in this battle was twenty-seven
killed, wounded, and missing.

On the next day, June 23rd, the regiment was again en-
gaged at Gurley’s Farm, where it lost one killed and two

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145

wounded. On that night it returned to its original position at
Battery No. 30, near Petersburg.

On the 29th of June our Brigade with the Florida, now
(Brigadier General Joseph) Finegan’s Brigade, and with two
pieces of artillery, and (Major General) IGtz(hugh) Lee’s Ca-
valry, intercepted the enemy's raiders at Stony Creek Depot
sometimes called Reams’ Station, on the Weldon Railroad, cap-
turing 198 men, seven officers, twenty-three ambulances, fifty-
three wagons and fourteen pieces of artillery. The loss of the
regiment here was five killed, wounded and missing.

On the night of the 29th we returned to our original posi-
tion in front of Petersburg.

Our former Major-General, R. R. Anderson, had now been
made Lieutenant General, and our Division was now Mahone’s,
and our Brigade (now John C. C. Sanders) was for some time
to come generally stationed near Battery No. 30, in front of
Petersburg. The Division had much relied on intercept raids
in the Petersburg campaign, much hard marching and hard
fighting to do, in the heat and dust of the summer, as well
as in sleet and rain and mud during the long winter through
which the Petersburg campaign extended. Captain Fagan
records that the Brigade moved out thirteen times during the
siege, to intercept raids or resist attacks.

The old Brigade never did better service than on July 30,
1864, and no combat in all the history of the army of Northern
Virginia is more creditable to the troops engaged than was

The Battle of the Crater

According to all military precedents it would seem that
when General Grant, with the forces at his command, had suc-
ceeded so unexpectedly in breaching our long thin line at the
Crater, he ought to have been able to pierce and destroy Lee’s
army, but he failed; and the writer fortunately is in posses-
sion of three very able and picturesque descriptions of that
battle, written independently of each other. One is by Captain
William L. Fagan, of the 8th Alabama, published in the Phila-
delphia Time of July 6, 1882. Another is by Captain John C.

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Featherston, of the 9th Alabama, written in 1905, and the third
is by Captain William B. Young*, Staff Officer in the battle
of General Sanders, commanding the Brigade.

The importance of this battle is such as to justify the pub-
lication here of all the articles. These three accounts are as
follows, and the careful reader will find in the slight discre-
pancies between these writers the strongest possible evidence
of the truthfulness of the several witnesses.

The Peterburg Crater. A Participant’s Description of the Fierce

Struggle for the Recapture of the Salient.

by W. L. Fagan (Formerly Captain Co. K.

8th Alabama Regiment)

The morning of July 30, 1864, dawned sultry, and by 9 a.m.,
the heat was oppressive. At 12 m., the thermometer was at
ninety-eight degrees. About 7 a.m., General Lee, accompanied
by a single courier, rode rapidly to General Mahone’s head-
quarters, situated at Dr. Branch’s house. After a hurried con-
sultation Generals Lee and Mahone rode towards our lines. I
do not think General Mahone knew of the explosion until he
was informed by General Lee. Mahone, at that time, com-
manded General R. H. Anderson’s Division, composed of
Wright’s Georgia, Mahone’s Virginia, Wilcox’s Alabama, (Briga-
dier General Nathaniel H.) Harris’ Mississippi and Finegan’s
Florida Brigades. This division occupied the works to the right
of (Major General Robert F.) Hoke’s Division, extending its
right to a point in front of Branch’s house. The Eighteenth and
Twenty-second South Carolina Regiments, a part of (Brigadier
General Stephen) Elliott’s Brigade, Hoke’s Division and four
guns of (Major William J.) Pegram’s Battery, occupied a salient
or angle of our line. This salient was higher than the enemy’s
line in its immediate front. The Federals, beginning within
their lines, had excavated a tunnel under this salient. Placing
within it several tons of powder they had waited until 3 a.m.,
when an attempt was made to fire the immense mass. The Con-
federates were sleeping within their works, unconscious of dan-
ger. The New York Herald of August 2, 1864, contained the
following :

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147

The mine was to have been exploded at 3 a.m., and
batteries to open along the entire line at the same hour.

The Ninth Corps, supported by the Eighth and Tenth
Corps, and (Brigadier General Romeyn) Ayres’ Divi-
sion of the Fifth Corps, and three divisions of the Sec-
ond Corps, were to charge immediately after the ex-
plosion. The fire having gone out twice, the explosion
was delayed. At 4:40 the explosion took place and a
deafening roar of artillery followed.

About fifteen feet of dirt intervened between the sleeping
soldiers and all this powder. In a moment the superincumbent
earth for a space forty by eighty feet (Note: Crater was 150

feet long, 97 feet wide and 30 feet deep — Alexander) ; was
hurled upward, carrying with it the artillerymen, with their
four guns, and three companies of soldiers. As the huge mass
fell backwards it buried the startled men under immense clods —
tons of dirt. Some of the artillery was thrown forward forty
yards towards the enemy’s line. The clay subsoil was broken
and piled in large pieces, often several yards in diameter, which
afterwards protected scores of Federals when surrounded in
the crater. The early hour, the unexpected explosion, the con-
centrated fire of the enemy’s batteries, startled and wrought
confusion among brave men accustomed to battle. We ex-
tract again from The Herald of August 2 :

At 5:30 the charge was made and the fort (crater),
with part of the line on each side, watS carried in a
style to reflect credit on the veterans engaged. The
second line was carried by the Second Division of the
Second Corps and Brigadier General (Julius) White’s
Division of colored troops were ordered to carry the
crest of the hill, but after advancing as far as the first
line was checked by a galling fire, and the main body
faltered and fell back. The greater number became
utterly demoralized and part of them took refuge in the
fort (crater), while the remainder, in confusion, ran
to the rear as fast as possible in their retreat, em-
barrassing the white troops. Every effort to rally
them failed, many of their officers were killed and the
negroes retreated, until they were out of range of the
musketry and cannister, which was ploughing through

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

their ranks. Among the missing are Brigadier Gen-
eral (William F.) Bartlett, who reached the fort (cra-
ter) with his command. General Bartlett had a cork
leg, which was broken, and he was unable to leave the
fort (crater).

The Confederate Charge

The federals now held the crater and the inner line. Gen-
erals Lee and Mahone arrived on the field about 7 :30 a.m. A
ravine which deepened on our right, ran parallel with this
inner line, and was used by Mahone in which to form his
brigade when preparing to attack. At 8 a.m., Mahone’s Brigade,
commanded by Colonel D(avid) A. Weisiger, brought from the
right of Hoke’s Division, was formed in this ravine and ad-
vanced to the assault. The Federals, concentrating a terrific
fire of musketry and artillery, ploughed great gaps in these fear-
less Virginians. Nothing daunted, they pressed forward and
captured the inner line. The loss of this brigade was heavy,
both in men and officers, more than two hundred Virginians
falling between the ravine and the captured works. The Fed-
eral troops, white and colored, fought with a desperation never
witnessed on former battle-fields. The negroes, it is said, cried
“No quarter.” Mahone and Wright’s Brigades took only
twenty-nine of them prisoners. The Federal still held the
crater and part of the line. Another charge was necessary and
Wright’s Georgia Brigade was ordered up from Anderson’s Di-
vision. Wright’s Brigade, forming in the ravine moved forward
to drive the Federals from the line they still held. The enemy,
expecting their attack, poured a volley into the Georgians that
decimated their ranks, killing and wounding nearly every field
officer in the brigade. The men rushing forward, breasting a
storm of lead and iron, failed to oblique far enough to the right
to recapture the whole line, out gained the line occupied by and
contiguous to the line already captured by Weisiger, command-
ing Mahone’s Brigade. Mahone’s Brigade and Wright’s Bri-
gade had captured forty-two officers, three hundred and ninety
men and twenty-nine negroes.

It was now about 10 a.m. General Grant made no effort
to reenforce his line or to dislodge Wright and Mahone from
the positions they held. A courier dashed up to General J. C. C.

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149

Sanders, commanding Wilcox's Brigade, informing him that
his brigade was wanted. The men were expecting this courier,
as they were next in line, and they distinctly heard the shouts of
Mahone’s and Wright’s men, followed by the heavy artillery
firing, while the word had passed down the line that the salient
had not been recaptured. General Sanders moved his brigade,
consisting of the Eighth, Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh and Four-
teenth Alabama regiments, to the left and occupied the ravine.
There was no shade or water in this ravine, while the men
were exposed nearly four hours to a scorching sun. The heat
was almost beyond human endurance, strong men fainted and
were carried to the rear. The waves of hot air at times were
almost suffocating. For the first and only time the men were
told what was expected of them. General Sanders explained the
situation to the officers of the regiments. Each captain spoke
to his men, urging them to retake the salient, or Petersburg and
Richmond must be evacuated. The men were ordered to fix
their bayonets securely, to trail arms — not to fire, not to yell,
but to move quietly up the side of the ravine, and then, every
man run for his life to the breastworks. They were told that
Generals Lee, Beauregard, Hill, Mahone, Hoke and every gen-
eral of the army would watch them as they moved forward.

Charge of the Alabamians

At 1 :30 p.m., the firing had almost ceased and the Federals,
overcome with heat, did not expect an attack. Sanders formed
his brigade and moved quietly up the side of the ravine. Hardly
a word was spoken, for the Alabamians expected to die or re-
take the salient. The eye of General Lee was fixed on them.
When they caught sight of the works their old feelings came
back to them and yell they must. With the fury of a whirlwind
they rushed upon the line they had been ordered to take. The
movement was so unexpected and so quickly executed that only
one shell was thrown into the brigade. The works gained, they
found the enemy on the other side. It was stated that Lee,
speaking to Beauregard, said — “Splendid !” Bureaugard spoke
with enthusiasm of the brilliant charge.

In an instant the Federal army was roused, and the bat-
teries opened fire with a continuous roar. Only a breastwork
divided Wilcox’s Brigade from the Federals. A moment was

150

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

required for Sanders to reform, and his brigade mounted the
inner line and forced the enemy backwards to the outer line,
and the crater was full of white and black soldiers. The Con-
federates, surrounding it on every side, poured volley after
volley into this pent-up mass of terrified negroes and their brave
officers. The negroes ran in every direction and were shot
down without a thought. Bayonets, swords and the butts of
muskets were used. The deafening roar of artillery and mus-
ketry, the yells and imprecations of the combatants, drowned
the commands of officers. A negro in the crater attempted to
raise a white flag, and it was instantly pulled down by a Fed-
eral officer. The Federal colors were planted in a huge lump
of dirt and waved until Sergeant Wallace, of the Eleventh
Alabama, followed by others, seized them and tore them from
the staff. Instantly a white flag was raised, and the living,
who were not many, surrendered. The crater was won.

Sights at the Crater

“The ground around,” says (Edward Alfred) Pollard,

“was dotted with the fallen, while the sides and bottom
of the crater were literally lined with dead, the bodies
lying in every conceivable position. Some had evidently
been killed with the butts of muskets as their crushed
skulls and badly smashed faces indicated.”

Within this crater — this hole 40 by 80 feet — were lying
one hundred and thirty-six dead soldiers, besides the wounded.
The soil was literally saturated with blood. General Bartlett
was here, with his steel leg broken. He did not look as though
he had been at a “diamond wedding,” but was present at a
“dance of death.” A covered way for artillery was so full of
dead that details were made to throw them out, that artillery
might be brought in. The dead bodies formed a heap on each
side. The Alabamians captured thirty-four officers, five hun-
dred and thirty-six white and one hundred and thirty-one colored
soldiers. The three brigades had seventeen stands of colors,
held by seventeen as brave, sweaty, dirty, powder-stained fel-
lows as ever wore the gray, who knew that, when presenting
their colors to division headquarters, to each a furlough of
thirty days would be granted.

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151

Suffering of the Wounded

The crater was filled with wounded, to whom our men gave
water. Adjutant Morgan Cleveland, of the Eighth Alabama
Regiment, assisted a Federal Captain who was mortally wounded
and suffering intensely. Near him lay a burly, wounded negro.
The officer said he would die. The negro, raising himself on
his elbow, cried out: “Thank God. You killed my brother when
we charged, because he was afraid and ran. Now the rebels
have killed you.” Death soon ended the suffering of one and
the hatred of the other. A darkness came down on the battle-
field and the victors began to repair the salient. The crater
was cleared of the dead and wounded. Men were found buried
ten feet under the dirt. Twenty-two of the artillery company
were missing. Four hundred and ninety-eight dead, and
wounded Confederates were buried or sent to the hospitals.
Between the lines lay hundreds of wounded Federals, who vainly
called for water. These men had been without water since
early morning. Some calling louder than others, their voices
were recognized, and as their cries grew fainter, we knew their
lives were ebbing away. Our men, risking their lives, carried
water to some.

I find in my diary these lines: Sunday, July 31, 1864:

Everything comparatively quiet along the lines. Hun-
dreds of Federal soldiers are lying in front of the crater
exposed to a scorching sun ; some are crying for water.

The enemy’s fire is too hot for a soldier to expose
himself.

Late on Sunday evening a flag of truce was sent in and
forwarded to General Lee. General Grant had asked permis-
sion to bury his dead and remove his wounded. The truce was
granted, to begin on Monday at 5 a.m., and conclude at 9 a.m.
Punctual to the hour the Federal details came on the field and
by 9 a.m., had buried about three hundred. The work was
hardly begun, and the truce was extended. Hour after hour
was granted until it was evening before the field was cleared.

Pecularity of the Fighting

The crater combat, unlike other battles in Virginia, was
a series of deeds of daring, of bloody hand-to-hand fighting,

152

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

where the survivor could count with a certainty the men he
had slain. A few days ago a soldier said to me: “I killed two

of the enemy at the crater; they were not three feet from
me when they fell. I had followed the fortunes of the Con-
federacy from Williamsburg to Appomattox Court House, and
had, to the morning of July 30, only -seen two bayonet wounds —
one received at Frazier’s Farm; the other at Turkey Ridge,
June 3, 1864.” Men stood face to face at the crater. Often a
bayonet thrust was given before the Minnie ball went crashing
through the body. Every man took care of himself, intent
on selling his life as dearly as possible. The negroes did not
all stampede. They mingled with the white troops. The troops
o^ Mahone, Wilcox and Wright were greeted with defiant yells,
while their ranks were mowed down by withering fires. Many
officers commanding negro troops held their commissions for
bravery. Encouraged, threatened, emulating the white troops,
the black men fought with desperation. Some Confederate
soldiers recognized their slaves at the crater. Captain J., of
the Forty-first Virginia, gave the military salute to “Ben” and
“Bob,” whom he had left hoeing corn down in Dinwiddle. If
White’s Division has occupied Reservoir Hill, Richmond would
have been evacuated.

General Mahone had no staff officers. He asserted that
they only consumed rations and filled the wagons with baggage.
Private R. C. Sibley, clerk at headquarters, was chief, and
Courier Nelson carried the rice and canteen. Lieutenant (Victor
J. B.) Girardy, volunteer aide to General R. Wright, offered his
services to Mahone at the crater, which were accepted. Girardy
was one of the bravest men in Lee’s army. General Lee watched
this daring man. Insensible of fear, regardless of life, he was
always found where danger was greatest. Three days after
the battle Lee sent Girardy a commission as Brigadier General,
and assigned him to command Wright’s Brigade. Two weeks
later, on the 16th of August, near Fort Harrison, he was killed.
I never heard of a similar promotion in Lee’s army, that of a
lieutenant to a brigadier general.

The following order was read to the division after the bat-
tle. We have never seen it published and as it was the only one
Mahone ever issued we think it worthy of presentation.

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153

Headquarters, Anderson’s Division, August 6, 1864.
(General Order No. )

I. The glorious conduct of the three brigades of the
division, Wilcox’s, Mahone’s and Wright’s, and espe-
cially the first two, employed on the 30th of July in
the expulsion of the enemy from his possession of a
part of our line elsewhere than upon our own immedi-
ate front, and the magnificent results achieved in the
execution of the work, devolves upon the undersigned
the ever pleasing office of rendering his thanks and
congratulations. The immortalized Beauregard has
praised you. Your corps and army commanders have
expressed their gratitude for your invaluable services
on this occasion and their admiration of the splendid
manner in which your duty was approached and per-
formed. The enemy had sprung his first mine in the
new plan by which he now seeks to penetrate our lines ;
he had gained possession of the crater and of the con-
tiguous works; he had previously massed three corps
and two divisions of another to prosecute his antici-
pated successes, and he had now given the order for
the advance of his crowded lines,, but, fortunately for
the “hour,” you have made the ground. With the tread
of veterans and the determination of men, you charged
the works upon which he had planted the hated flag.
The integrity of the whole line was by your valor
promptly reestablished, the enemy’s grand effort to
penetrate your rear signally defeated, and results
achieved unparalleled in the history of the war, when
compared to your strength and the losses you sustained.

With less than a force of three thousand men and with
a casualty of four hundred and ninety eight, you killed
seven hundred of his people, and by his own account
wounded over three thousand. You captured one thou-
sand one hundred and one prisoners, embracing eighty-
seven officers, seventeen stands of colors, two guidons
and one thousand nine hundred and sixteen stands of
small arms. These are the results of the noble work

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ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

which you performed and which entitles your banner-
scroll of honorable deeds to the inscription :

The Crater

Petersburg, 30th July, 1864

II. While thus we have so much cause for congratu-
lation and pleasure; let us not and never forget the
memory of the noble spirits who fell in the glorious
work whose consummation we were spared to establish
and commemorate.

William Mahone
Brigadier General

Note: Written by Captain Fagan at Havana, Hale County,

Alabama, 1882

The Battle of the “Crater” As I Saw It

By Captain John C. Featherston of the 9th Alabama Regi-
ment, (Wilcox’s old) Brigade, Mahone’s Division, A. P.
Hill’s Corps.

Captain Featherton was married in Virginia during the

war and since resided at Lynchburg, Va.

On the night of the 29th of July, 1864, Wilcox’s old brigade
of Alabamians, at that time commanded by General J. C. C.
Sanders, which was one of the five brigades composing Mahone’s
(formerly Anderson’s) division, was occupying the breastworks
in the right of Petersburg, at a point known as the Wilcox
Farm. The division consisted at the time of Wilcox’s “old
brigade” of Alabamians; Wright’s Georgia brigade, Harris’
Mississippi, Mahone’s Virginia brigade and Perry’s Florida
brigade (by whom commanded at the time I fail to remember).
All was quiet in our immediate front, but an incessant and rapid
firing was going on to our left and immediately in front of
Petersburg, where the main lines of the hostile armies were
within eighty yards of each other. There was a rumor that
the Federals were attempting to undermine our works, and
were keeping up this continous fire to shield their operations.

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155

The Confederate army had dug countermines in front of our
works at several points, but failed to sink them sufficiently
deep to intercept the enemy and thwart their efforts, as was
subsequently proven.

Explosion of the Mine at “The Crater”

The Night of July 30

During the night of the 29th (I think about 2 o'clock),
we received orders to get our men under arm® and ready for
action at a moment’s notice, which convinced us that General
Lee had information of which we were ignorant. We remained
thus until between daybreak and sunrise of the 30th of July,
when suddenly the quiet and suspense was broken by a terrific
explosion on our left. The news soon reached our lines that
the enemy had exploded a mine under a fort then known as
“Elliot’s Salient,” subsequently named the “Crater,” from its
resemblance in shape to the crater of a volcano, and during the
terrible struggle, one in active operation, caused by the smoke
and dust which ascended therefrom.

Mahone’s division was the “supporting division” of the
army while in front of Petersburg, and consequently whenever
the enemy were making serious attacks, this command, or a
part of it, was, when reinforcements were needed, sent to the
point assailed. Hence it was in many hard fought battles while
the army was in front of Petersburg.

Of the many battles in which this command engaged none
will equal or even approximate such stubborn and bloody fight-
ing, as occurred at the battle of the “Crater,” where the loss
on the Federal side was 5,000 and on the Confederate side 1,800
(Note: Official Federal estimate: Federal losses 4,008, Con-

federate estimate 1,200) out of the small number engaged, and
all on about two acres of land. For quite a while after the
explosion all was quiet but then commenced a severe cannon-
ade by the Yankees, which was promptly replied to by the
Confederate artillery.

Preparations for the Counter Attack

Soon orders were received for two of our brigades to move
to the point of attack. The Virginia and Georgia brigades, being

156

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

on the right of the Division, were withdrawn from the works
in such a manner as not to be seen by the enemy who were
intrenched in strong force immediately in our front, and dis-
patched as directed. This occurred about 8 or 9 o’clock. About
11 o’clock orders came for the Alabama (Wilcox’s) brigade,
then commanded by General J. C. C. Sanders. This order was
delivered by the gallant officer, R. R. Henry, of Mahone’s staff.
We were then quietly withdrawn from the works, thus leaving
the space which the three brigades had covered unoccupied,
except by a few skirmishers (one man every twenty paces),
c:mmanded by Major J(ames) M. Crow of the 9th Alabama
Regiment, a brave officer.

By a circuitous route we arrived at Blandford Cemetery
and then entered a “zig-zag” or circuitous covered way through
which we had to pass in single file in order to shield ourselves
from the fire of the enemy. We came out of the covered way
into a ravine which ran parallel with the enemy’s line of fortifi-
cations, and also of our own in which was the fort subsequently
the “Crater” and then occupied by the enemy.

Mahone Gives His Orders for Retaking the Fort at the Crater

As we came out of the covered way we were met by Gen-
eral Mahone, himself on foot, who called the officers to him
and explained the situation and gave us orders for the fight.
He informed us that the brigades of Virginians and Georgians
had successfully charged and taken the works on the left of the
fort, but that the fort was still in possession of the enemy, as
was also part of the works on the right of it, and that we of
the Alabama brigade were expected to storm and capture the
fort, as we were the last of the reserves. He directed us to
move up the ravine as far as we could walk unseen by the
enemy, and then to get down and crawl still further up until
we were immediately in front of the fort, then to order the
men to lie down on the ground until our artillery in our rear
could draw the fire of the enemy’s artillery, which was posted
on a ridge beyond their main line and covered the fort.

When this was accomplished our artillery would cease fir-
ing, and then we should rise up and move forward in a stooping
posture at “trail arms,” with bayonets fixed, and should not
yell or fire a gun until we drew the fire of the infantry in the

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157

fort, and the enemy’s main lines, and then we should charge
at a “double quick,” so as to get under the walls of the fort
before the enemy could fire their park of some fifty pieces of
artillery, (Stationed on the hill beyond their works. He further
informed us that he had ordered our men who then occupied
the works on either side of the fort to fire at the enemy when
they should show themselves above the top of the fort or along
the main line, so as to shield us as much as possible from their
fire. As we were leaving him he said : “General Lee is watch-
ing the results of your charge.”

“Load, Fix Your Bayonets!”

The officers then returned to their places in line and or-
dered the men to load and fix bayonets. Immediately the brigade
moved up the ravine as ordered. As we started, a soldier,
worse disfigured by dirt, powder and smoke than any I had
before seen, came up to my side and said: “Captain, can I go

in this charge with you?” I replied, “Yes. Who are you?”

He said: “I am (I have forgotten his name), and I

belong to the South Carolina Regiment — was blown

up in that fort and I want to even up with them. Please take
my name and if I get killed inform my officers of it.” I said :
“I have no time now for writing. How high up did they blow
you?” He said: “I don’t know, but a.s I was going up I met

the company commissary coming down and he said, “I will try
to have breakfast ready by the time you get down.”

I have often since wished I had taken his name and regi-
ment, for he was truly a “rough diamond,” a brave fellow. He
went in the charge with us, but I do not know whether he sur-
vived it or not. I never saw him again.

The Alabama Brigade

This brigade was composed of the 8th Alabama, Captain
W. W. Mordecai, commanding; 9th Alabama, Colonel J. H(orace)
King, commanding; 10th Alabama, Captain W. L. Brewster,
commanding; 11th Alabama, Lieutenant Colonel George P.
Tayloe, commanding; 14th Alabama, Captain Elias Folk, com-
manding.

This (Wilcox’s old brigade), was commanded and led in
this battle by the gallant and intrepid Brigadier General J. C. C.

158

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Sanders, with Captain George Clark, assistant adjutant general,
another brave officer.

The 9th Alabama being on the right of the brigade, was in
front as we ascended the ravine or depression to form line of
battle. I copy from the “Petersburg Express” the names
of the officers who commanded the companies of this regiment,
and would do the same for the other regiments but for the un-
fortunate fact that they were not given. They were as follows :

Company A, Captain Hays, commanding; Company C,
Sergeant T. Simmons, commanding; Company D, Cap-
tain J. W. Cannon, commanding; Company E, Lieu-
tenant M. H. Todd, commanding, Company F, Captain
John C. Featherston, commanding; Company H, iLeu-
tenant R. Fuller, commanding ; Company L, Lieutenant
B. T. Taylor, commanding; Company K, Lieutenant
T. B. Baugh, commanding.

By the report of Captain George Clark, assistant adjutant
general, Wilcox's Alabama brigade of five regiments carried
into the battle of the “crater” 628 men, and of this number it
lost 89. The brigade early in the war numbered about 5,000.

It will be observed that such had been our losses in former
battles that regiments were commanded by captains and com-
panies by sergeants, some of the companies having been so
depleted that they had been merged into other companies.

After we crawled up in front of the fort, and about two
hundred yards therefrom, we lay down flat on the ground, and
our batteries in the rear opened fire on the enemy's artillery in
order to draw their fire. This was done that we might charge
without being subjected to their artillery fire, in addition to
that of the fort and the mam line, which was only eighty yards
beyond the fort.

But the enemy appeared to understand our object and de-
clined to reply.

Forward ! Charge !

Our guns soon ceased firing, and we at once arose and
moved forward, as directed, in quick time, at trail arms, with
bayonets fixed.

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159

In a short distance we came in view of the enemy — both
infantry and artillery — and then was presented one of the
most awfully grand cruel spectacles of that terrible war. One
brigade of 628 men were charging a fort in an open field, filled
with the enemy to the number of over 5,000, and supported by
a park of artillery said to number fifty pieces. The line of
advance was in full view of the two armies, and in range of
the guns of fully twenty thousand men, including both sides.
When we came within range we saw the flash of the sunlight
on the enemy's guns, as they were leveled above the walls of
the wrecked fort. Then came a stream of fire and the awful
roar of battle. This volley seemed to awaken the demons of
hell, and appeared to be a signal for everybody within range
of the fort to commence firing. We raised a yell and made a
dash in order to get under the walls of the fort before their
artillery could open up upon us, but in this we were unsuccess-
ful. The air seemed literally filled with missiles.

The Virginians, Georgians and South Carolinians com-
menced firing from the flanks of the fort and at the enemy's
main line, as did our artillery, and the enemy's infantry and
artillery from all sides opened upon us.

“Into The Mouth of Hell Charged the Six Hundred"

On we went, as it seemed to us, literally “into the mouth
of hell." When we got to the walls of the fort we dropped
down on the ground to get the men in order and let them get
their breath. While waiting we could hear the Yankee officers
in the fort trying to encourage their men, telling them among
other things to “remember Fort Pillow." (In that fort Forrest's
men had found negroes and whites together. History tells what
they did for them.) Then commenced a novel method of fight-
ing. There were quite a number of abandoned muskets, with
bayonets on them, lying on the ground around the fort. Our
men began pitching them over the embankment and over we
went, intending to harpoon the men inside, and both sides threw
cannon balls and fragments of shells and earth, which by the
impact of the explosion had been pressed as hard as brick.
Everybody seemed to be shooting at the fort, and doubtless
many were killed by their friends. I know some of the Yankees
were so killed.

160 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In almost less time than I can tell it we were in condition
to go in. Colonel J. H. King ordered the men near him to put
their hats on their bayonnets and quickly raise them above the
fort, which was done, and, as he anticipated, they were riddled
with bullets. Then he ordered us over the embankment, and
over we went, and we were soon engaged in a hand-to-hand
struggle cf life and death. The enemy shrank back, and the
death grapple continued until most of the Yankees found in
there were killed. This slaughter would not have been so great
had not our men found negro soldiers in the fort with, the
whites. This was the first time we had met negro troops, and
the men were enraged at them for being there and at the whites
for having them there.

Compartments of the Pit Made at the Crater

The explosion had divided the pit into two compartments.
As soon as we had possession of the larger one, the Yankees in
the smaller one cried out that they would surrender. We told
them to come over the embankment. Two of them started with
their guns in their hands and were shot and fell back. We
heard those remaining cry: “They are showing no quarter;

let us sell our lives as dearly as possible.” We then told them
to come without their guns, which they did, and all the re-
mainder, about thirty in number, surrendered and were ordered
to the rear. In the confusion and their eagerness to get beyond
that point, they went across the open field, along the same route
over which we had charged them. Their artillery, seeing them
go to the rear, as we were told, under the flag of truce, thought
that it was our men repulsed and retreating and they at once
opened fire on them, killing and wounding quite a number of
their own men. One poor fellow had his arm shot off just as
he started to the rear, and returning, said: “I could bear it

better if my own men had not done it.”

This practically ended the fight inside the fort, but the two
armies outside continued firing at this common center and it
seemed to us that the shot, shell and musket balls came from
every point of the compass and the mortar shells rained down
from above. They had previously attacked from below. So
this unfortunate fort was one of the few points of the universe
which had been assailed from literally every quarter.

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161

The Aftermath and Incidents — > General Bartlett’s Cork Leg

The slaughter was fearful. The dead were piled up on
| each other. In one part of the fort I counted eight bodies deep.

I There were but few wounded compared with the killed.

There was an incident which occurred in the captured fort
that made quite an impression on me. Among the wounded
was Yankee General Bartlett. He was lying down and could
not rise. Assistance was offered him, but he informed those

I I who were assisting him that his leg was broken, and so it was,

| but it proved to be an artificial leg, made of cork.

One of the officers ordered a couple of negroes to move
him, but he protested, and I believe he was given white assist-
! ance.

This general afterwards, so I have been informed, became
; an honored citizen of Virginia, though at that time, I must
! say, I never would have believed such a thing possible. One
of our soldiers seeing the cork leg and springs knocked to pieces
] waggishly said, “General, you are a fraud; I thought that was
a good leg when I shot it.”

As the dust and smoke cleared away the firing seemed to
lull, but there was no entire cessation of firing that evening.
Indeed, it was continued for months by the sharpshooters.

After dark tools were brought with which we reconstructed
the wrecked fort. In doing this we buried the dead down in
the fort, covering them with earth. The fire of the enemy was
entirely too severe to carry them out. We were therefore forced
to stand on them and defend our positions while we remained
in the fort, which was until the following Monday night.

As we went over the embankment into the fort, one of
my sergeants, Andrew McWilliams, a brave fellow, was shot
in the mouth, the ball did not cut his lips. It came out of the
top of his head. He was evidently yelling with his mouth wide
open. He fell on top of the embankment with his head hanging
in the fort. We pulled him down in the fort, and that night
carried him out and buried him.

1G2

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

During* the night we strengthened the wrecked fort and in
doing so unearthed numbers of Confederate soldiers who were
killed and buried by the explosion. I remember in one place
there were eight fellows lying side by side with their coats
under their heads. They seemed never to have moved after the
explcsion.

The Confederate Line Restored — Sharpshooting July 31

The recapture of the fort restored our lines in status quo.

That night we slept in the fort, over those who slept “the
sleep that knows no waking.” The morning came as clear
and the day was hot and dry as was the preceding one. The
sharpshooters were exceedingly alert, firing every moment, each
side momentarily expecting active hostilities to be renewed.
While the wounded in the fort and our trenches had been re-
moved during the night and we were being cared for, the
ground between the main lines of the two armies was literally
covered by wounded and dead Federals, who fell in advancing
and retreating. We could hear them crying for relief, but the
firing was so severe that none dared to go to them either by
day or night.

A Flag of Truce

About noon or a little later, there went up a flag of truce
immediately in our front. The flag was a white piece of cloth
about a yard square on a new staff. General Sanders ordered
the sharpshooters to cease firing. Then a Yankee soldier with
a clean, white shirt and blue pants jumped on top of their
works holding the flag and was promptly followed by two ele-
gantly uniformed officers. General Sanders asked those of
us near him if we had a white handkerchief. All responded,
“No.” A private soldier nearby said to the men around him,
“Boys, some of you take off your shirt and hand it to the gen-
eral,” to which another replies: “Never do that; they will think
we have hoisted the black flag.”

The general finally got a handkerchief, which, though not
altogether suitable for a drawing room, he and Captain George
Clark, assistant adjutant general, tied to the ramrod of a mus-

1 0

1G3

ket, and Captain Clark, with one man carrying the improvised
flag, went forward to meet the Yankee flag. (I have frequently
thought that the “get up” of these flags of truce illustrated
the condition of the armies.) They met halfway — about 40
yards from each line. After a few minutes interview they
handed Captain Clark a paper. They then withdrew to their
respective sides. In handing the communication to General
Sanders, Captain Clark said : “They are asking for a truce to

bury their dead and remove their wounded.”

The communication was forwarded to the proper authori-
ties and proved to be from General Burnside, who commanded
the Federal troops in front, but not being in accordance with
usages and civilities of war, it was promptly returned, with in-
formation that whenever a like request came from the general
commanding the army of the Potomac to the general command-
ing the army of Northern Virginia, it would be entertained.
Within a few hours the Federals sent another flag of truce,
conveying a communication, which was properly signed and ad-
dressed, and the terms of the truce were agreed on. These
terms were that they could remove their wounded and could
bury their dead in a ditch or grave to be dug just half way be-
tween the two lines. They brought in their detail, including
many negroes, and the work was commenced and was continued
for about four hours. In that ditch, about one hundred feet
in length, were buried seven hundred white and negro soldiers.
The dead were thrown in indiscriminately, three bodies deep.

The Dragon's Teeth

As soon as the work was commenced I witnessed one of
the grandest sights I ever saw. Where not a man could be
seen a few minutes before, the two armies rose up out of the
ground, and the face of the earth seemed to be peopled with
men. It seemed an illustration of Cadmus sowing the dragon’s
teeth. Both sides came over their works, and meeting in the
center, mingled, chatted and exchanged courtesies, as though
they had not sought in desperate effort to take each other’s lives
but an hour before.

A Chat With General Potter, But Not With General Ferrero

During the truce I met (Brigadier) General R(obert) B.
Potter, who commanded, as he informed me, a Michigan divi-

184 ALABAMA HISTORICAL, QUARTERLY

sion in Burnside’s corps. He was exceedingly polite and affable,
and extended to me his canteen with an invitation to sample
the contents, which 1 did, and found it nothing objectionable.
He then handed me a good cigar, and for a time we smoked “the
pipe of peace.” In reply to a question from me as to their loss
in the battle on Saturday, he replied that they had lost five
thousand men. While we were talking a remarkably handsome
Yankee general in the crowd came near m. 1 asked General
Potter who he was and was informed that he was (Brigadier)
General (Edward) Ferrero, who commanded the negro troops,
I said: “I have some of his papers, which I captured in the

fort,” and showed them to General Potter. He then said: “Let
me call him up and introduce him, and we will show him the
papers and guy him.” I replied, however, that we down South
were not in the habit of recognizing as our -social equals those
wTio associated with negroes.

He then asked me to give him some of Ferrero’s papers.
He wanted them for a purpose. I did so. The others I kept,
and they are now lying before me as I write.

He also a-sked me to point out to him some of our generals,
several of whom were then standing on the embankment of the
wrecked fort. (I noticed that none of our generals except
Sanders, who had charge of affairs, came over and mingled with
the crowd.) I pointed out to him General Harris, of Mississippi ;
A. P. Hill, and finally pointed out General Mahone, who was
dressed in a suit made out of tent cloth, with a roundabout
jacket. Be it remembered that General Mahone was quite
small, and did not weigh much, if any over one hundred and
twenty-five pounds. Potter laughlingly said : “Not much man,
but a big general.”

When the dead were buried each side returned to their
entrenchments, and soon the sharpshooters were firing at each
other when and wherever seen. Truly, “War is hell.”

Papers and Letters

I am not writing this alone from memory, but, in addition
thereto, from letters, contemporaneously written to my wife,
whom I had but a short time before married, which letters,

165

as well as extracts from Richmond papers of that date, as con-
temporary records, will probably prove of sufficient interest
to publish in these columns.

Sanders’ Alabama brigade continued to occupy the “Crater,”
which they had captured on Saturday about 2 o’clock, until
Monday night, August 1, when under cover of darkness we were
relieved by another brigade, as was also the gallant Virginia
brigade, which had, by a superb charge, captured the entrench-
ments on the left of the “Crater.”

Captain Featherston’s Letters Written in the Trenches
In the Trenches, Near Petersburg, August 1, 1864.

My Dear Wife — We fought a desperate fight day be-
fore yesterday (Saturday). I, through the mercy and *
protection of an all-powerful God, escaped with, I
may say, no injury.

Wright’s and Mahone’s brigades charged and captured
the works and failed to capture the fort. We were
then ordered to charge the works through an open field,
and the charge was the most successful one we ever
made. The men clambered over the works as though
there were no enemy there. The slaughter was terrible.

Our brigade (Sanders) is highly complimented in the
morning papers, both in Petersburg and Richmond.

I will write you all the particulars as I have time.

General Grant mined our works and blew a fort up,
and in the confusion captured it, but it was a dead busi-
ness for him.

Our entire loss, 800 men; their loss (5,000) five thou-
sand. I have never seen such slaughter since the war
commenced.

I will write more.

Your affectionate husband
J. C. Feathers ton

186

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Camp Ninth Alabama Regiment, Near Petersburg,
August 2, 1864,

My dear wife:

I wrote you a note yesterday while in our recaptured
fortifications, informing you that I was not killed in
our desperate fight on Saturday, the 30th ultimo, but
gave you very little news otherwise. You must excuse
its brevity, for, considering the circumstances, I think
I did well to write at all.

The enemy's line was only about seventy-five yards
from ours, and we were shooting at each other at every
opportunity, and the sand was flying over everything,
and the general noise and confusion incident on such
occasions all tended to keep me from writing more.

On the morning of the 30th, about an hour before day,
we received orders to leave our camp and move up to
our place in the breastworks (which was about one hun-
dred yards distant), and to be prepared for an attack.
Nothing unusual occurred. The skirmishing was about
as usual, and so was the cannonading, until just about
5 o'clock a.m., the earth seemed to tremble, and the
next instant there was a report that seemed to deafen
all nature. Everything for a while remained quiet,
as if in wonder and astonishment at such an explosion ;
But 'twas only for a moment; then the artillery from
each side would have drowned the report of the loudest
thunderbolt. Then could be seen horsemen dashing to
and fro, bearing dispatches and orders. Every man
was at his post and ready for anything.

Soon after we received information that Grant had
sprung a mine under one of our forts, and a portion
of our breastworks, down on the lines, about a mile
to our left, and opposite the city, which was held by
some South Carolinians, Georgians and Virginians.
This scene considerably demoralized the troops nearest
the fort and caused them to give way, and before the
smoke from the explosion had cleared away, the enemy,

19 7 7

1G7

having their infantry massed, hurled brigade after bri-
gade through the breach thus effected, until the entire
place was alive with them.

Three brigades (Wright’s Georgia, Mahone’s Virginia
and Sander’s Alabama (Wilcox’s old)), of our (Ma-
hone’s) Division) were ordered to move down quickly
and retake the works at all hazards. We moved down
and took our position in a little ravine in front of the
works held by the enemy. The artillery from both
sides was being used most vigorously. Soon Mahone’s
brigade and Wright’s were ordered to charge the breast-
works on the left of the fort. These two brigades
charged in gallant style, and after a severe fight suc-
ceeded in retaking the breastworks on the left of the
fort. As soon as they were safely lodged in the works
the prisoners commenced coming back, and to our very
astonishment a large number of negroes, as black as
the ace of spades, with cartridge boxes on and in every
sense of the word equipped as soldiers.

After the works on the left of the fort were recaptured,
we, Wilcox’s old brigade, were then ordered to storm
the fort. Everything was fully explained to the offi-
cers and men. Desperate as it seemed, when the com-
mand “Forward!” was given all moved up the hill as
though we were on drill. As soon as we arose the hill
we saw the fort, about two hundred yards distant.
The ground was perfectly level.

The fort was literally covered with Yankees and bris-
tled with bayonets as the quills of the “fretful porcur
pine.” As soon as we became visible the infantry and
the artillery opened up a most destructive fire, then
the command, “Charge” rang out along the line, and
on we went like a terrible avalanche and as fast as pos-
sible, no man being permitted to fire until he reached
the fort. In the fort the enemy were crowded, but un-
daunted by numbers, our boys commenced scaling the
sides of the fort. The enemy kept up such a fire that
it seemed like a second Vesuvius belching forth its fire.
Then came the “tug of war.” The enemy had shouted

168

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

“No quarters.” We then gave them what they justly
deserved. There we were on one side of the walls of
the fort and the Yankees on the other. The fight was
thus the bloodiest of the war, considering the numbers
engaged. The fight lasted in this manner for nearly
half an hour, w r hen they called for quarters, and we,
being sickened by the slaughter as well as awfully tired
of the fight, granted them quarters. All that we had
not killed surrendered, and i must say we took some
of the negroes prisoners. But we will not be held cul-
pable for this when it is considered the numbers we
had already slain, also the number of good men we were
losing by the enemy’s dreadful artillery fire. The
shells were bursting in our midst all the time killing
men on both sides.

As soon as they surrendered we hoisted our flag
from the ramparts and took ten of their stands of
colors down and sent them to the rear in triumph.
Then a shout rang out along our lines from one end
to the other. It is said that General Lee, who was
looking on when he saw we were successful, pulled off
his hat and waved it, and said: “Well done.” I heard

(Brigadier) General (William N.) Pendleton of the
artillery say it was “one of the most brilliant successes
of the campaign, for the enemy expected great results
from it, and had been caught in their own trap.”

Our loss is about 1,000 in all. That of the enemy
about 4,000 or 5,000. One thousand being killed dead,
about 1,200 or 1,500 taken prisoners, and the remainder
wounded. We captured ten stands of colors, and a large
number of small arms.

The fighting was kept up until near night from the
breastworks, which was only distant about seventy-
five yards, and the wounded (enemy’s) had to lie out
between the two lines all night. About 2 o’clock the
next day (Sunday) they sent over a flag of truce, and
one of our officers, Captain Clark, A. A. Gen., met the
flag half way and demanded the nature of it. He was
told that the Federal general wished to communicate

19 7 7

169

with General Lee, which was granted, and the corre-
spondence was kept until Sunday night. The wounded
had to lie out another night and day, but on Monday
the flag of truce again appeared and the terms agreed
on. Then and there was one of the grandest sights
I ever saw. Both armies, within seventy-five yards
of each other, though invisible now arose up out of the
ground as if by magic, and it seemed that the world
was filled with people in a moment. A center line was
established, and our men would carry their dead and
wounded to the line and their men would bury their
dead and both armies met between the lines and were in
conversation with each other all the time (four hours).
They acknowledged we had whipped them badly and
caught them in their own trap.

We are all confident of our ability to whip them any
way they may come.

Since we whipped them so badly, they have become as
quiet as possible, more so than usual.

Our brigade is sent here where we will have little to
do and can rest, and let the others handle the Yankees
for awhile.

My health is good. I got a terrible fall in the fight the
other day, and I think it occurred from the explosion
of a shell near me. I have nearly recovered from it
now.

Your affectionate husband,
J. C. Featherston

P. S. Here is the congratulatory order sent by Gen-
eral A. P. Hill a few days after the battle:
Headquarters Third Army Corps, August 4, 1864.
General Order No. 17:

Anderson’s Division, commanded by Brigadier General
Mahone, so distinguished itself by its successes during
the present campaign as to merit the special mention

170

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of the corps commander, and he tenders to the division,
its officers and men, his thanks for the gallantry dis-
played by them whether attacking or attacked. Thirty-
one stands of colors, fifteen pieces of artillery and
4,000 prisoners are the proud mementoes which sig-
nalize its valor and entitle it to the admiration and
gratitude of our country.

A. P. Hill

The greatest failure of General Grant in all his military
career was undoubtedly the disastrous repulse of his assault on
Lee at the Crater. General E. P. Alexander, though at the time
absent on wounded furlough had been in charge of the Con-
federate artillery defenses at that point, and with a thorough
knowledge of the situation, he has in his Memoirs given an
exceedingly clear and comprehensive account of the assault
and the reason of its non-success. The life-like pictures by
Captains Fagan, Featherston and Young of the recapture of
the crater proper by the Alabama brigade should be studied in
connection with the general situation pictured by Alexander.
It is certain that Lee was surprised. He did believe that the
enemy were undermining and for weeks had been countermining
at various points, and though his engineers had been cautioned
to guard Elliot’s salient where the explosion occurred, they
had been unsuccessful. The Alabama brigade had indeed been
kept under arms for hours just before the explosion, as told
by Captain Featherston, but the brigade was far away from
the actual site of this mine. It was under arms to go wherever
it might be needed. Lee knew a blow was impending. Grant,
by massing heavy forces near Deep Bottom north of the James,
•and seriously threatening Richmond, had with fine strategy
induced the Confederate leader to reinforce that point until at
the time of the explosion, Lee had left for the ten miles of his
Petersburg lines only 18,000 men, 1,800 to a mile; which, ex-
cluding officers, would not leave him quite a man to each yard
of his defenses; whereas Grant had quietly brought back his
Deep Bottom reinforcements and now had 60,000 men massed
near the mine when it exploded. “Heavy guns and mortars,
81 in all, and about the same number of field guns” had been
placed in position so as to concentrate their fire; sand-bags,
gabions, fascines, etc., had been prepared and even pontoon

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171

trains had been made ready to lay bridges over which to pursue
Lee’s army when, after being driven from its entrenchments,
it should be flying over the Appomattox River.

The mine was fired successfully while the Confederates
were asleep, and yet the assailants were repulsed with a loss
of nearly 5,000. Truly does General Alexander say it is diffi-
cult to account for this result. The reasons he gives are, first,
there were too many of the assailants — they were in each
other’s way. Secondly, the wonderful coolness and courage of
the Confederates, parts of which was blown up, was not de-
moralized. Thirdly, on the right of the crater was one Con-
federate gun protected by an embrazure, and on the left .500
yards off in a depression behind our lines were four guns that
bore upon the assailants, besides some half a dozen Coehorn
mortars in different ravines, and sixteen guns in the sunken
Jerusalem plank road 600 yards to the rear.

But the Confederates appear to have had no reserve in-
fantry at hand. They collected as soon as possible a small force
in a trench 250 yards in the rear and with these and with the
men in the trenches, right and left, resisted such feeble at-
tempts as were made to advance from the crater, until four
small regiments were brought in from the left. And thus the
Federals were kept in the crater and such trenches as they had
been able to capture for over five hours until Mahone arrived at
10 to begin the effort to recapture the ground. The Virginians
promptly drove them from a portion of the trenches. The Ala-
bamians came and at one o’clock completed the work.

The assault failed because it was not made as General Grant
could have made it with the means he had at hand. The fault
was in the plan of attack. It should have been considered be-
forehand that it would be extremely difficult to march a storm-
ing party across such an obstacle as would be a crater formed by
the expected explosion — the best disciplined troops would
be thrown into utter confusion in crossing and must reform
beyond; that one line should cross before becoming confused
with another, and that only under the most competent leader-
ship would even brave men willingly step out of and beyond
the shelter of the crater. It was therefore essential that the
most thoroughly tested troops and the very best officers should

172

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

be selected. Think of Napoleon or General Lee selecting by
lot the men and the leader to make an assault that might decide
the campaign, yet that was the outcome of preparations that
Grant had been making for a month and three days; among
them they selected by lot (Brigadier General James H.) Ledlie’s
division to lead. As it was Ledlie himself and Ferrero, lead-
ing the colored division, soon took to bomb-proofs. Of course
there were many brave men and gallant officers, like General
Bartlett ,in the charge. Ledlie’s division, as far as the men
and their immediate officers were concerned, may have been
as good as any. The fault was in the leadership, and especi-
ally in the plan. However gallant the troops, they were helpless
when the commingled masses in the crater became, as they
certainly would be, when jumbled together, a mob instead of an
integral part of a great army.

The assault, from which so much was expected, was really
a failure from, the moment when in the early morning the
assailants stopped in the crater huddled into a confused mass.
Nor could it be expected that these troops could hold the posi-
tion. The crater was not a fort; it had no guns mounted, no
ditches in front, no ledges for men to stand on, and it could
be and was approached by the confederates coming from right
and left under the protection of their breastworks.

It is not strange that a military court should afterwards
censure Generals Burnside, Ledlie, Ferrero and (Brigadier
General Orlando B.) Willcox, and Colonel (Zenas R.) Bliss,
acting Brigadier, while the Confederate authorities compli-
mented all their forces that were in this engagement.

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173

CHAPTER XVI

From August 1864 to March 1865

The following contemporaneous account is given in a letter
written by Captain Fagan to his sister, of two battles one being
the Battle of Poplar Springs Church, August 21, 1864.

Petersburg, Aug. 22, 1864

Dear Sister —

For the past week we have had stirring times and
this morning is our first day of rest. The weather has
been miserable, raining. The roads are almost impas-
sable. We returned last night from another bloody
engagement.

On last Thursday Genl. Mahone with (Brigadier Gen-
eral Thomas L.) Clingman’s, (Brigadier General Al-
fred H.) Colquitt’s and his Brigade, cooperating with
(Major General Henry) Heth, commanding (Brigadier
General Joseph R.) Davis, (Brigadier General William
H.) Walker’s and (Brigadier General James J.)
Archer’s Brigades of his Division, attempted to dis-
lodge the enemy from his position on the Weldon
R.R. The point held by the enemy is a dense wood,
with gallberry swamps. A heavy rain fell during the
entire day of the engagement. By a flank movement
Gen. Mahone succeeded in capturing 600 of the Yanks
and Gen. Heth 1600, making 2000 men, and 96 officers,
among whom was Bgd. Gen. Hays, and severals Cols,
and Brigadiers. Our loss was very light. Not having
enough troops we were unable to follow up our success,
and night came in ending a brilliant affair on our part.

During this engagement Wilcox’s, Harris’ and Wright’s
Brigades of this Division were on the James River,
repelling the attempts of the enemy to effect a lodg-
ment there. On the night of the 20th these Brigades
returned to this point, worn down with marching and
fighting, having been exposed to drenching rains for

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

several days and nights. In the meantime the enemy
still held possession of the Railroad.

Yesterday was Sunday, and to us a bloody day. At
1 o’clock in the morning Wilcox’s, Harris’, Finegan’s,
Perrins’ and Wright’s Brigades of this Division worn
out and drenched with rain started on a flank move-
ment around the enemy on the railroad. (Brigadier
General Johnson) Hagood’s S. C. and (Brigadier Gen-
eral Alfred M.) Scales’ N. C. with a part of (Brigadier
General Edward L.) Thomas’ Ga. Brigades accom-
panied the expedition, all under the command of Maj.
Genl. Mahone. About 12 m. this force was in position
near the Poplar Spring Church, on the Vaughan Road,
wfr’ch makes with the R. Road an obtuse angle. The
command advanced in fine order, driving the enemy’s
pickets, capturing about 50 of them. The enemy’s
picket line was about a half mile in front of their for-
tified position. The command advanced through an
open field and when within about 500 yards of the
enemy’s works he opened on our command with grape
and cannister. The command pressed forward, and
reached the enemy’s works. The fire poured on our
ranks was the most severe of the war. The enemy
were in three lines, strongly fortified, with scores of
guns in position. Finnegan’s and Hagood’s Brigades
in front, broke in confusion, which created a panic
among the supporting lines. Soon the entire line gave
way, and the enemy executing a fine flank movement
succeeded in capturing nearly all of Finegan’s and
Hagood’s Brigades. Every effort was made to rally
the men, Brg. Genl. J. C. C. Saunders, comd. Wilcox’
Brigade was killed; also Capt. Shaun, A. A. Genl. of
F : nnegan’s Brigade. The troops after falling back
beyond range rallied, but their loss was so severe that
the attack was not renewed. Our loss was between
12 and 1800 men. We accomplished nothing. Gen-
eral Heth attacked the enemy on the left, capturing
about 400 prisoners. Such “brilliant” movements as
these will so deplete our army that Grant will soon
take Richmond.

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175

Sanders, then a student at the University of Alabama, left
it when the war began, to come into the army as a Captain
of the 11th Alabama. He had risen to the command of his
regiment at Spotsylvania after Perrin had fallen and led the
Brigade in the charge for the recapture of the salient. For
his gallantry he was made Brigadier General May 31, 1864,
succeeding General Perrin. Sanders was a born soldier, straight
as an arrow, and was especially attractive in person and man-
ner. He was said by the Federal soldiers who saw him during
the truce after the Crater to be the handsomest and best dressed
man they saw. Intellect sparkled in his clear blue eyes, and
he was as modest and unassuming in private intercourse as
he was chivalrous and daring in battle. His loss to the .army
and to the State of Alabama was irreparable. Our loss in the
battle above described by Captain Fagan was 11, killed, wounded
and missing.

At the battle of Reams' Station on August 25th, the 8th
was in reserve and lost nothing.

From this point the regiment returned to Petersburg, and
our Brigade, relieving Finegan’s, was stationed near Battery
No. 27, where it remained until October 27, when at the battle
of Burgess Mills it was only slightly engaged and lost 7 men,
wounded. After this fight it returned to its old position near
Battery No. 30, where it stayed until November 7, when it
was removed to the right of our lines in front of Petersburg,
and there built huts for the winter.

Hilary A. Herbert, still at home and suffering from the
wound received at the Wilderness, was promoted to be Colonel
of the Regiment November 2, 1864, and shortly thereafter was
retired for disability, incident to the service. Major John P.
Emrich, who at the Wilderness was absent on account of sick-
ness, shortly afterwards returned to the regiment and was in
command of it as Major until November 2, 1864, when he was
promoted to be Lieutenant-Colonel. On the same day Captain
Duke Nall, of Co. K., was promoted to be Major. Captain Nall
at the Wilderness was shot through the lungs, but it was sup-
posed he had entirely recovered and as he returned to the
regiment, where he did gallant service until after his promo-
tion ; during the winter of 1863-64 he was attacked by pneu-

176

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

monia. Inflammation set up in his old wound, and his death
resulted. The regiment never had two braver or more faithful
officers than Colonel Emrich and Major Nall.

Lieutenant Colonel Emrich remained in command up to
Appomattox, where he was parolled. By the promotion of
Captain Nall of Co. K, to be Major, Lieutenant William L.
Fagan (whose diary is so often quoted in these records as
“Captain” Fagan’s) ceased to be lieutenant and became Captain
of Co. K, and he too was at Appomattox, as will hereafter
appear.

On December 6th Mahone’s Division, including the 8th Ala-
bama marched on an expedition the purpose of which was to
intercept a large body of the enemy under (Brigadier) General
(Gouverneur Kemble) Warren which was raiding to destroy
the railroad. It reached Barbour’s Mill December 8, and went
through Dinwiddie C. H. On the 9th it left camp at dawn. On
Saturday it again left camp at dawn, moving parallel with the
railroad and skirmishing with the enemy. It returned to camp
on December 12, having marched that day 20 miles. This march
was through rain and sleet and snow, was altogether one of
the most distressing and fatiguing marches made by our men.

It was while the regiment was before Petersburg that the
Historical Memoranda from which many of the facts above
narrated are gleamed, were made out and signed by Lieutenant
Colonel John P. Enrich, on the 1st day of January, 1865.

Here follows the consolidated roll of the regiment, “Exclu-
sive of Field and Staff,” dated the 31st day of December, 1864,
(see Appendix A), and then a recapitulation, including field
and staff, made out and signed by Colonel Emrich on the next
day, the 1st of January, 1865. A study of these casualties
will prove instructive and it is highly creditable to the con-
scripts, most of whom no doubt were native Alabamians. The
conscripts came to the regiment at Bank’s Ford, sometime prior
to the battle of Salem Church. They had been in none of the
bloody battles of 1862. They numbered altogether 167. On
the 1st day of January, 1865, only three of them had deserted —
not 114 percent — a much less percentage than of the volunteers.
They had lost in killed and died of wounds seventeen; while
fifteen of their number had died of disease.

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177

It will be observed that up to the time of Colonel Emrich’s
recapitulation the killed, died of wounds and disease, amount
to 448, which is more than 31 percent of the actual number
of officers and men mustered into the regiment.

Colonel Emrich’s report it is proper to state, that most
of the deserters from the regiment are still in the Confederate
service :

Recapitulation

Total commissioned officers 102

Total originally enlisted men 879

Total recruits received 440

Aggregate 1,421

Deduct casualties 921

Aggregate remaining 500

Killed 226

Died of disease - 151

Died of wounds 71

Resigned 24

Discharged 145

Transferred 98

Missing by capture or otherwise 41

Total Casualties 921

Aggregate wounded 734

Aggregate disabled 85

Captured 257

Exchanged 124

Died 24

Oath to United States „ 26

Total 174

Not returned

178

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

I hereby certify that the foregoing record of names, dates,
facts and historical memoranda, is correctly given.

John P. Emrich, Lieutenant Colonel, Commanding
Station: Near Petersburg, Virginia
Dated: January 1, 1865

January 25, 1865 — Captain Fagan’s diary records that the
division left camp and marched, up the Darbytown road by
Burgess’s Mill, in another effort to intercept raiders who were
going in the direction of Weldon, N. C. This march was con-
tinued through Dinwiddie C.H., passing by “Smoky Ordinary”
and to within five miles of Belleville, without seeing the enemy ;
and the division only got back to camp on January 31th. The
roads had been badly cut up by passing wagon trains and were
now frozen hard. The weather was intensely cold, and men
and officers suffered agonies from sore feet. Our troops did
not succeed in overtaking the raiders.

Again on February 6, the regiment made another forced
march and it arrived at Hatcher’s Run, after (Major) General
(John B.) Gordon had been repulsed at that place, in time to
check the pursuing enemy. In the fight here Captain (Robert
W.) Sanders of Co. A., was wounded and two men killed. During
the remainder of this month the regiment was most of the
time under random artillery fire. Rations were short and the
weather often very bad; but nothing of special importance to
the regiment occurred until March 4, from which time on I
shall be able later to present to my readers a graphic descrip-
tion of the last days of the regiment, from the pen of Captain
Fagan. But consider here

Conditions At Petersburg in Spring of 1865

The situation of our army at Petersburg in the months of
January, February and March, 1865, was truly forlorn. For
months and months, now nearing a year, Lee’s forces had held
Grant’s army at bay, but attrition was doing its work. Grant’s
losses had been appalling, but he was from time to time
receiving recruits. Our losses had been heavy, and we had no
means of making them good. Horses were dying from starva-

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179

tion and men suffering from want of clothing and shelter and
food. Grant might undermine and explode, we had no powder
to spare for countermining. Grant was continually extending
his lines to our right and sending out his cavalry, now armed
with magazine Spencer rifles, to raid our communications,
when we were without infantry or artillery with which to
extend our lines except by weakening them elsewhere, and had
not cavalry sufficient either in number or equipment to meet
the enemy’s. And if this was the condition where we were
defending the Capital of the Confederacy, how was it else-
where? (General Edmund) Kirby Smith was somewhere in the
west with an army, but he was in no condition to help or be
helped. The Mississippi rolled between, and was patrolled by
ironclads. Atlanta had fallen, Hood’s army had been almost
destroyed at Franklin and Nashville. Sherman had made waste
in Georgia and destroyed its principal railroads. Charleston
had been evacuated, and in Captain Fagan’s diary entries were
being made like this: “December 25, 1864. Savannah and

Fort Fisher have fallen.” “February 14, 1865, Sherman re-
ported to have cut the railroad below Branchville.”

Long before, Captain Fagan had recorded, “July 10, 1864.
The Alabama sunk miles off Cherbourg by the Kearsage.” The
wonderful exploits of the Alabama and her sister ships in
destroying the enemy’s commerce had for a time greatly an-
noyed the enemy, but that was all; and now even the Alabama
was at the bottom of the sea.

It was, after all, the United States navy with which the
newly born government in the South lacking naval resources,
had never been able to cope. Like the serpent of classic
fable that strangled Laocoon, after it had first wound itself
about and pinioned fast his arms and legs, so the United States
navy had, by penetrating our rivers, deprived our armies of
the power to help each other and by winding its deadly folds
around our sea coast was fast strangling the life out of the
Confederacy. Until Sherman started from Chattanooga no
signal success had anywhere been achieved by any Federal
army, east of the Mississippi, that had not been directly aided
by the navy. It was the gun boats that enabled Grant to cap-
ture Fort Donelson and Nashville, and made successful the

130

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

expedition to Huntsville, Ala., in 1862. It was the navy that
captured Memphis, Island No. 10, New Orleans, Fort Fisher
and Mobile, compassed the downfall of Vicksburg, cut off Con-
federate communications across the Mississippi, and burned our
depots of supplies along nearly all the navigable streams in the
Confederacy. It was the gun boats on the James River that
saved McClellan’s army when he had been disastrously driven
from his trenches on the Chickahominy ; and Grant now had
these gun boats at his back. More than all this, the navy by
the blockade had destroyed for the Confederacy all opportunity
of procuring with its cotton efficient supplies of railroad
material and munitions of war from abroad. Our railroads and
their rolling stock were wearing out. It was and had been
impossible without better railroads, to concentrate rapidly our
troops, and even to supply with decent food and clothing our
armies where they were. Grant had been repulsed all along
the lines from the Wilderness, and had only at last been content
to cease swinging around a circle when he reached Petersburg
where he had the navy in the James river to support him.
Here he sat down, and after a few repulses, entrenched and
entrenched, extending his lines further and further to his left.
And think of that terrible crater! 278 men had without a
moment’s warning been blown into eternity, and every Con-
federate who after that manned our trenches knew that Grant
had powder without stint, and that another mine might explode
at any moment at any part of our line, and still our men did
not falter. Attrition, shot and shell and famine, all combined,
were doing their work. Our cavalry was melting away, and
when Sheridan’s troopers were raiding our lines of communica-
tion, it was Anderson’s — now Mahone’s — division of infantry,
in which was the 8th Alabama, that was often sent out tramp-
ing, footsore, along frozen roads, in a vain effort to overtake
the raiders.

This is but a faint picture of the conditions as our soldiers
saw them when our army, its line at last broken, began its
retreat from Petersburg to Appomattox. If there was any
hope left in the hearts of Lee’s veterans, who can fail now to
see that it was only such hope as was born of unconquerable
courage and unfaltering faith in their leaders? That there
were many who fell out of the ranks is that dreadful march,

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181

some because of physical exhaustion and others because they
had lost heart, is undeniable. The marvel is that so many still
had the physical ability to march, and still remain faithful,
tramping- along without sleep and without food, and fighting to
the last; the pity is that all did not have the courage and the
constancy of those heroes who stood by the flag of the old
regiment until General Lee had surrendered, and then cried
like children as they tore that flag into tatters. There were
at the surrender 153 men and sixteen officers, making altogether
169 men of the 8th Alabama, who were paroled. These figures
are official, from the captured archives, and they show that
the 8th Alabama was one of the largest Confederate regiments
at Appomattox.

182

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

CHAPTER XVI I
The Last Few Days

The following account of the last few days is by Captain
Fagan, and I know of nothing more touching:

From the diary of W. L. Fagan, former Captain of Co. K,
written from day to day and extended in 1867, with notes added
in 1905.

On the night of March 4, 1865, Mahone’s division moved
fr( m their winter quarters on the Boydton plank road,
and relieved Pickett's division on the line extending
from Appomattox river to Howlett’s home battery, on
the James river. This battery was of heavy guns,
built in a bluff near the home of Dr. Howlett, opposite
Farrow’s Island, and within range of Butler’s Dutch
Gan Canal. Wilcox’s Brigade on the left, rested on this
battery. There was no firing along the line and the
half starved men enjoyed the rest and quiet. Daily
details were made to search the field of anti-scorbutics,
which, when found, were wild onions, the most indiges-
tible food ever eaten by man. Our rations are %.
pound of canned beef and a loaf of bread.

April 1st. — Last night the enemy gave us the grand-
est artillery display of the war. For several hours it
seemed that every battery from Hare’s house to the
Jerusalem Plank Road was in action. The sky out-
lined the path of the thousands of hissing mortar shells
thrown into the city. From my post I watched the
terrific cannonade.

On the night of April 1st, Grant celebrated the victory
of Five Forks. Every piece of artillery in the thickly
studded forts, batteries and mortar beds joined in the
prodigious clamor — it appeared as if fiends of the
air were engaged in the sulphurous conflict (Pollard’s
Lost Cause).

Sunday, April 2nd, 1865. — Everything quiet in camp
this morning. Sumpter Williamson of Co. A, invited

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183

me to dine with him, as he had captured some fine
“rats” in a barn several miles to the rear. I felt grate-
ful for his invitation, but I can't eat a rat. There are
rumors that Grant has possession of the South Side
Railroad and also our old winter quarters and that
General A. P. Hill was killed. The camp is full of
“grape vine” despatches, while men and officers col-
lect in groups to hear the news.

At sunset, orders received to move immediatelv — as
we have no baggage the regiment soon formed. We
are glad t^ go. since the entire regiment has the “itch”
which Pickett’s division left as an inheritance. At
dark marched towards the Richmond and Petersburg
Railroad. Adjutant Morgan Cleveland on the march
whispered to me to watch my men, lest some desert.
I replied with some irritation that I had no deserters in
my company. Before reaching the railroad Cleveland
told me that a number of our people had deserted. I
was sorry for my reply to him at the trenches, and
asked for forgiveness. Marched several miles along
the railroad in the direction of Richmond. The rail-
road filled with heavy creaking trains headed f°r Rich-
mond. The sky above reflected the light of burning
buildings and commissary stores, while at intervals the
earth is shaken by the exploding gun boats and maga-
zines on the James river. The men march in silence,
not a word spoken — • they, like myself, are awed by
the complete and absolute silence that surrounds us. I
am told we are going to Burkeville, Va. We marched
all night and took a road that leads to Chesterfield,
C. H.

April 3rd, Monday. — On the march. This morning
about 8 a.m., passed the wagon train. Scores of am-
bulances were filled with women and children and
negro girls. The men are spiteful at seeing this inno-
vation, and make caustic comments. “That’s the crowd
that draws our rations.” They are government ambu-
lances, and might be used to help along some tired or
sick soldier. Stubbs was a son of Commonwealth
Attorney Stubbs of Norfolk, Va., who had been im-

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

prisoned by General (Benjamin Franklin) Butler. His
office and house searched by F ederal soldiers, and his
wife and daughter insulted. Mrs. Wright, after the
execution of her husband, was sent to Richmond, and
Miss Stubbs came with her, and wa-s in Petersburg
at the evacuation. Captain Parker, of the 11th Ala-
bama, was a near relative. Bill Stubbs, of Norfolk,
Va., standing on a fence waved his hand and said:
“Captain, I promised sister last night that I would
stand by my colors. Most of the boys stayed in Peters-
burg.” Noble girl, with all your persecutions you are
loyal still! Lieutenant V. 41st Va., caught up and con-
tradicted Stubbs' statement of the wholesale desertions
of the Virginians.

These men think the evacuation of Richmond insured
the downfall of the Confederacy. Some Alabama and
Georgia men having married in Petersburg, remained.

The three cotton factories at Petersburg employed
hundreds of girls, as they run day and night. The
soldiers married these factory girls, some for life,
others for “during the war.” Dr. J. D. D. Renfro, the
Chaplain of the 10th, informed me that he married
some couples of this class every night while the army
was before Petersburg.

Marched all day and camped at dark two (2) miles
from Chesterfield, C. H. about 20 miles from Peters-
burg. My negro boy is straggling with my haversack.
A piece of bread from a comrade, and some cool water,
I slept as only a tired man could sleep, after being
awake 60 hours.

Tuesday, April 4th — Camp near Chesterfield, C. H.
Left camp 4 a.m., marched by Budd’s store, and went
into camp at Goode's Bridge, on the Appomattox river.
The men are without rations — ■ they are promised
rations tomorrow at Amelia, C. H. Grant’s army has
not molested us, and I suppose we are leaving him
behind. The men are cheerful and make no com-
plaints, for we believe General Lee knows what he is
doing.

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185

Wednesday, April 5, 1865 — Amelia, C. H. About
3 a.m., this morning the familiar cry — “Fall in,
men” — “Fall in” — was given, and the regiment
moved rapidly toward Amelia, C. H. — arrived about
9 a.m. Passed Gordon's corps in camp near the
town. Halted in the streets of C. House for some time.
The entire army appears to be concentrated here, mov-
ing gently toward Farmville.

I sat on the curb of the sidewalk to rest. General Lee
is near me in his carriage, which is filled with bag-
gage. Gordon is in earnest conversation with him
which continues nearly an hour. General Longstreet
is nearby. Seated on his horse he has a tired look.
He strokes his arm with his hand, the other resting
on the pommel of his saddle. His horse with his nose
nearly to the ground is asleep. He is greatly changed
since 1862, when Major Fairfax by his orders, at
Gaines’ Mill, sent me after the Pennsylvania Buck
Tails. General Mahone has a quiet, subdued look. I
have not heard him “yell” at anybody since we started.
There are no commissary trains here, only artillery
and ordnance wagons. No rations issued.

NOTE: Several days before General Lee had

despatched most urgent orders that commissary stores
be sent from Danville to Amelia, C. H. The au-
thorities in Richmond bungled the command. General
Lee found there not a single ration for his army. It
was a terrible revelation (Pollard’s “Lost Cause.”)

(Major General Charles W.) Fields’, Mahone’s and
Pickett’s division, at 12 m. moved down the railroad
toward Farmville. When several miles from the town
the Yankee Cavalry attacked Wilcox’s Brigade but
were repulsed. Marched all the evening and at dark
we are still moving.

April 6, Thursday. On the march. Having marched
all night, this morning at 8 a.m. we are at a point
seventeen miles from Burkeville, and eighteen miles
from Farmville. General Lee passed to the front fol-

186

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

lowed by large escort of cavalry. The weather very
warm, no rest — the halts are only for a moment for
the artillery to pull the hills.

I suffered this morning, with intense nausea, followed
by giddiness and ringing in my ears. The sensations
are peculiar and distressing. I walk along supported
by one of my comrades, without any apparent volition.
My men drag themselves along the road, making no
complaints — they do not straggle. The country is
apparently poor and thinly settled and there is nothing
to be gained by foraging. After marching nearly
seventeen miles today, at 4 p.m., two and a half miles
from High Bridge, we formed line of battle along the
Lynchburg Railroad. Before we could perfect our line,
we were hurried toward Sarlow Creek. Gordon’s corps
had been routed and Sheridan had captured about 400
wagons of our army, which were parked waiting to
cross the bridge. General Mahone’s baggage was cap-
tured. I am told he had a large sum of Confederate
money, also money of several Richmond banks. The
Federal signal lights are seen in front and over each
flank. They are powerful lights of different colors,
as reflected on the sky. We lay in line of battle until
3 a.m.

We found a hogshead of tobacco, and we could smoke,
although we had nothing to eat. The night was in-
tensely dark, with the wind blowing a stiff breeze.
About four in the morning crossed High Bridge. This
bridge is over 100 feet high and one-half mile long,
and I felt uneasy groping my way along its tin-covered
floor in the darkness. We rested near the bridge —
two companies of the 9th Alabama regiment were
posted on it with orders to burn it at day light.

April 7th. Farmville, Va. We secured a short rest,
but no sleep. Before sunrise the Yankees were mov-
ing and crowding along the burning bridge as the
9th Alabama had fired two spans. Along the crest of
the hill, and country roads thousands of soldiers in blue

19 7 7

187

were moving forward. The 8th Alabama was now the
rear of the Army, moving backwards towards the
Heights of Farmville. Our skirmish line was captured
to a man, within a few hundred yards of our retreating
columns. We halted near Cumberland Church, and
threw forward another line of skirmishers, commanded
by Captain (G. T. L.) Robinson of Co. B. The enemy
changed their line of pursuit, and moved towards our
right wing. We built a breastwork of fence rails, us-
ing tin plates and bayonets to remove the dirt. A con-
tinued fire was exchanged on the picket line, and E. W.
McDaniel of my company was killed, and James Oakes
wounded. About 2 p.m. the enemy made vigorous as-
sault to our right. From my position I could see Gen-
eral Mahone, in the hottest of the fight leading his men
forward. The enemy was driven back, and the balance
of the day was quiet.

NOTE: “He, (Brigadier General Andrew A.) Hum-

phreys, was up with the light of day, 7 April, and it
was the combined 2nd and 3rd corps that saved High
Bridge, and continued to fight and drive Lee all day
long. — At Cumberland Church on the afternoon of the
7th, occurred the last stand up fight and pitched battle
between the army of Northern Virginia, under Lee,
and the army of the Potomac. Humphreys struck at
Lee at 1 :30 p.m., and asked for reinforcements.” (Ma-
gazine of American History, October, 1886.)

We held our position until midnight. Details were sent
after rations. The tired exhausted men returned at
midnight and reported that they had been destroying
wagon trains and cutting the spokes from the wheels
of artillery. They did not find a crust of bread or a
grain of corn. I am told the army is demoralized, de-
serting and straggling. It is 56 hours since I have had
food or sleep. 1 suffer from giddiness and weakness —
my men lay about in a stupor — they do not complain,
they obey orders, as if asleep. A soldier tells me that
he saw a Captain of artillery spike his guns, and dis-
band his company, telling them to take the battery
horses and go home.

188

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

April 8. Saturday. Made a long march of twenty
miles, passing through New Store, and camped at dark.
The famished, tired men lay down in the woods, in
•silence. Not a word is spoken, and the men are soon
asleep. Colonel Emrich, Captain Mordecai, Adjutant
Cleveland and myself gathered around a little fire and
smoked our pipes. Captain Spencer of Longstreets’
staff, joins our group, and tells us that the enemy are
across our front, and that Gordon will attack at day-
light, and that we will assist Gordon. About a bushel
of rations were given the regiment during the night.
This morning at daylight a cavalryman waked me. I
was across a pile of bush near the road. I must have
been asleep where I fell. Today’s march was dread-
ful — the men slept as they walked, and when a tem-
porary halt was made they fell down. Nobody laughs,
and nobody comments. Officers ask no questions about
their companies — each man seems absorbed in his
individual suffering.

April 9th, Sunday. Left camp at twelve last night and
marched five miles. We are resting by the roadside
while the wagon trains are moving forward. I am told
the enemy is in our front, across our road to Lynch-
burg. And, that Gordon is driving them back. We
are about a mile from the C. House. Near me is an
upgrade in the road. A battery of artillery stalled, al-
though the gunners helped at the wheels. In reply to
my question a driver said: “The horses have had no

rest, no water and nothing to eat since we left Amelia
C. House.”

A soldier of the regiment has just come in and reports
that General Lee has surrendered the army. The men
are indignant, and threaten the soldiers with a beating.
He is told with much profanity that, a skulker, wagon-
dog and hospital rat were news carriers. Dr. Robert
Royston, an old friend, and Brigade Surgeon, rode to
where I was lying down. His face, always so bright
and pleasant, was a study — the tears were in his eyes,
and choking with emotion, he said: 'General Lee has

surrendered the army.’ I cannot express my feel-

19 7 7

189

ings — the tears came to my eyes — the only tears
during the entire war. The men crowded around Dr.
Royston, eagerly asking questions, and then they would
go away with tears falling down their dirty, bronzed
faces. A pathetic sight — these starved men, who
staggered when they walked, from exhaustion, truly
they loved their land with a love far brought.

The Color Sergeant holding the flag in his hand,
cried out, ‘You have never run in a battle, and you
don’t surrender.’ He tore the flag from the staff and
divided it anrrng the men. A piece about ten inches
square canie to me. I have it still, and would like to
know who have the other pieces.

NOTE: “The flag’s streamers, a red and white ribbon
with tassels, fell to John A. Browne of Co. D, who mar-
ried and settled in Suffolk Co., Virginia. The streamers
with the names of the battles fought had been given
to me by Miss Nina Cave near Orange C. H., Va., in
April, 1864. When Browne, 32 years afterwards (in
1896), visited me, bringing along to exhibit his much
prized trophies and learned from me their origin he
asked me to decide whether they were mine or his.
The decision was in his favor. With tears in his eyes
and much hesitation he accepted it, declaring that at
his death they should come to me or my family. His
widow has since sent them and, pinned with the Cross
of Honor given me by the U. D. C. with their story
underneath, the frame that holds them now hangs in my
parlor.

W. A. Herbert”

I sent Sergeants George Smith and Renas Richardson
to learn the truth of the matter, for I still doubted it.
When they returned they confirmed the report. Smith
had a billet of wood, split from an apple tree. He stated
that he saw a crowd of soldiers and newspaper corre-
spondents, digging up an apple tree, under which the
surrender had been arranged. Smith divided his billet
with the Company. I still have my piece.

190

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In the afternoon, the Federals were driving a bunch of
beef cattle along the road near the Regiment. The men
killed two (2) beeves. I explained to the officers in
charge that the men were very hungry, for I was afraid
he would resent our conduct. He answered that it was
all right — that he always knew how hungry we were.
After the entails were taken out, the beef was quar-
tered, and divided, and before the hide could be re-
moved, the men were cutting slices of warm raw beef
which was greedily eaten. We had no salt — no fire —
no bread — all too hungry to wait for these things.

April 10 — It is raining this morning. The surrender
is formally announced to the army, the regiment
marched to the field, and stacked their arms. I did
not go, as that raw beef got in its perfect work, and
I was too unwell to walk.

General Mahone ordered his division to be formed in
a square and made then a short speech. He -said, in
part, that he wanted us to accept the surrender in good
faith — to go home and make as good citizens as we
had soldiers.

When my company was formed for the last time, I was
deeply moved. The original muster roll called for 159
men and they were as good and true as ever wore the
grey. Not one had ever been charged with failure to
do his duty — not a man had ever been arrested. Along
the battlefields of Virginia, were sleeping forty one.
Twenty-seven had died of diseases, 101 wounds. Every
officer had received wounds, and every private except
one.

With the surrender at Appomattox, ended the career of
the 8th Alabama volunteers. But its trials were not over, even
when it had listened to the immortal words of Lee’s farewell
address to his army. It was still without food ; 28,000 men and
officers had surrendered with General Lee. General Grant
generously issued 25,000 rations to General Lee (of which Gen-
eral Horace Porter gives an account in the November Century,
1887). General Lee thought this would be sufficient, but he

19 7 7

191

did not know that two trains of rations sent to his army from
Lynchburg, Va., had been captured by Sheridan the day before
the surrender. So it was that 3,000 of these men failed to share
in the food given by the victors. The 8th Alabama was among
the-se, and its officers and soldiers spent their last day at
Appomattox eating parched corn.

Consolidated Role of 8th Alabama Regiment, Exclusive of Field and Staff
Recapitulation of strength, casualties, etc., of the 8th Regiment of Alabama Volunteers,
from the 1st day of May, 1861, to the 31st day of December, 1864.

192

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

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Recapitulation of Strength, Casualties, Etc., of Company “F” of the 8th Regiment of Alabama Volunteers,
from the 20th day of May, 1861, to the 31st day of December, 1864

194

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

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19 7 7

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19 7 7

197

APPENDIX C

Captain Wm. B. Young’s Account of the Battle of the Crater,

7-30-64

The above is a rude sketch of the ground as I remember it.
The redoubt on the hill in rear was occupied by a confederate
battery of field pieces when Wilcox’s brigade reached the ground.
The “bank of dirt” in the sketch was a high bank to protect
the troops in going to and from the ravine to the covered way.
About 11 a. m., July 30th, 1864, Wilcox’s Ala. brigade com-
manded by General J. C. C. Saunders (Sanders) was quietly
withdrawn from the trenches leaving 125 men in the picket
pits in front and an equal number in the vacated trenches, to
keep up the appearance of their occupation. The brigade
marched up the ravine to the point where it turned to our
right and followed it until the brigade was opposite the crater
and the trenches then occupied by the enemy. It was then
halted, fronted and ordered to lie down. Mahone’s Virginia
brigade we found occupying the trenches along the line marked
A. C. which they had recaptured. The enemy were then in pos-
session of the Crater and a portion of the trenches on each side.

198

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

As soon as the brigade had lain down as directed Genl. Mahone
said to Genl. Saunders, “come with me and I will show you
what you have to do.” They then proceeded to the high bank
of dirt marked on the sketch and climbed up so as to see over
the top of it and get a view of the ground that the brigade was
to advance over, and the position it was to assault. As I was
then acting as aide to Genl. Saunders, I accompanied him. Genl.
Mahone then said to Genl. Saunders, “General your brigade must
retake that ground, Wright’s brigade assaulted it and were re-
pulsed and have rallied in the trenches over to our right, when
you advance they will be ordered to move down the trenches
toward the crater and assist.” “1 wish you to call all your
officers together and tell them to tell their men, that at one
o’clock they will attack ; that I wish them to go on a trail arms
and without yelling till they pass the crest of the ridge in front,
then give a yell and dash into the trenches and crater and not
fire a shot till they get to the trenches occupied by the enemy,
and tell them that there are no reserves, and that if they do
not retake the works at the first charge they will have to keep
charging till they do take them.” Genl. Saunders did call all
the officers together and told them what Genl. Mahone had
said. The 9th Ala. was on the right of the brigade and the
11th Ala. on the left. Genl. Mahone’s orders were carried out
to the letter, and at one o’clock, by the watch, the brigade ad-
vanced at a trail arms and in common time till they passed the
brow of the hill in their front, when they gave a yell and dashed
for the works. Our advance drove all the enemy who were in
the trenches to the left and right of the crater, into the crater,
except some who jumped over the works and undertook to es-
cape to their lines. The brigade closed round the crater on the
Confederate side. The crater had a bank of earth around it
like a big ant hill, and this bank of dirt separated our men
from the enemy. Those who jumped over the works and ran
for their lines were shot by the men in our trenches to the
right and left of the crater. Some fine shots from Mahone’s
brigade climbed up on the high bank of earth above referred
to and shot at all who attempted to escape, and few escaped.
The men grabbed up the rifles dropped by the enemy and hurled
them, bayonet foremost, into the crater and poked their rifles
over and fired down into it. As fast as the enemy manned
their side they were shot down. Genl. Saunders and myself
came up to the crater near where the covered way touched it,

19 7 7

199

marked “B” on the sketch. Shortly after we reached the crater
Genl. Saunders went to the right of the line and I remained
at the point where we came to the crater. While I was stand-
ing there one of Mahone’s couriers came up to me and asked
for Genl. Saunders. I told him that the General had gone to-
wards the right of the line. He said General Mahone wishes
to know the exact condition of affairs here. I said “where is
the General ?” He replied he is behind the high bank at the
end of the covered way. I then went back to where General
Mahone was and explained to him the exact state of affairs. He
said “why do the men not jump over on them and end the
fight?” I replied “General they are so thick in there that if
men jumped over they would jump into a bayonet and the men
know it.” He then to me “go back and tell Col. Tayloe I say to
call for volunteers and go into the crater, it is of vital im-
portance to have our lines reestablished at once.” I knew that
if I delivered this message to Col. Tayloe he would undertake
to lead the way into the crater and it would mean almost cer-
tain death, so I determined on my way back, to try another
method of getting possession of the crater. As soon as I g^t
back I called out “Why don’t you fools surrender?” “Y°u will
all be killed if you do not.” One of their officers replied, “we
will surrender if you will stop your men from firing.” I stopped
the men where I was standing and started around to the right —
stopping the firing as I went. I had gone but a short distance
when I found that the men behind me had commenced again.
I went back to the point which was nearest our rear, and called
to them that I could not stop the firing all along the line, but
to drop their arms and come out by me and I would protect
them. They promptly did this and rushed out bv me to our
rear. As they vacated the crater our men rushed in and the
line was reestablished. I then went back and reported to Genl.
Mahone that we were in possession of the entire line. As the
prisoners rushed back over the open ground in our rear the
enemy opened fire with cannister and killed several of the
prisoners. General Saunders directed me, the next morning to
have a detail made to bury the dead of the enemv and to count
the bodies and report to him the number. The dead bodies in
the crater were piled in the bottom and the crater was then
filled up. There was about 300 dead in the crater. We had
a detail of negro prisoners brought back and made them dig
a long trench in rear of our line, gather all the dead enemy

200

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

fallen in the trenches and covered way and bury them. I counted
bodies. The next day Grant asked for a truce to bury the dead
lying between the lines. By the terms of the truce none of his
men were to come over his trenches, except his working detail.
We to establish a line of sentinels between the lines and deliver
all bodis on our side of the line of sentries to his detail. By
direction of Genl. Saunders I established the line of armed
sentries and instructed them to allow no one to cross the line.
We had a detail of negro prisoners brought down under guard,
and made them gather the dead up and deliver them to the
enemy detail. By this time the stench from the dead was very
bad. The next day after dark the brigade went back to its
former position. I counted over 800 dead bodies which were
gathered up on the ground where we fought. We took about
700 prisoners, among them General Bartlett and his staff,
they being the last prisoners to emerge from the crater. The
brigade did not carry over 900 muskets into the action.

/'s/ Wm. B. Young

19 7 7

201

APPENDIX “D”

ROSTER OF THE OFFICERS OF EIGHTH ALABAMA
INFANTRY REGIMENT, C. S. A.

Field and Staff

Colonel John A. Winston: 6-11-61 to 6-16-62. In command of
the Regiment at the Siege of Yorktown, 4-62, and the battles
of Williamsburg and Seven Pines. Retired 6-16-62 due to
chronic ill health.

Colonel Young L. Royston: Captain of Co. “A”, the “Alabama
Rangers”, from 5-8-61 to 3-20-62. Major of the Regiment,
3-20-62 to 5-5-62. Lt. Col., 5-5-62 to 6-16-62. Colonel,
6-16-62 to 11-2-64. Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm,
6-30-61. Severely wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-
63, Also present at Siege of Yorktown, and battles of Seven
Pines, Gaines’ Mill, and Fredericksburg. Retired, 11-2-64,
due to permanent physical disability caused by the wound
received at battle of Salem Church.

Colonel Hilary A. Herbert: Captain of Co. “F”, the “Green-
ville Guards”, from 5-21-61 to 5-5-62. Major of the Regi-
ment, 5-5-62 to 6-12-62. Captured at battle of Seven Pines,
6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged
8-5-62. Lt. Col., 6-12-62 to 11-2-64. Acting Colonel 5-3-63
to 5-6-64. Seriously wounded at battle of the Wilderness,
5-6-64. Sent home and retired, 11-2-64, due to permanent
physical disability caused by the wound received at battle
of the Wilderness. Also at Siege of Yorktown, and battle
of Williamsburg, 2nd Manassas, Sharpsburg, Salem Church,
and Gettysburg. Paroled at Greenville, Ala., 5-65.

Lt. Col. John W. Frazer: 6-17-61 to 3-20-62. Graduate of the
U. S. Military Academy. Resigned to accept Colonelcy of
the 20th Alabama Infantry Regiment which he helped to
organize.

Lt. Col. Thomas E. Irby: Major, 6-17-61 to 3-20-62. Lt. Col.,
3-20-62 to 5-5-62. Killed at the battle of Williamsburg,
5-5-62. Also present at the siege of Yorktown, 4-62.

Lt. Col. John P. Emrich : Captain of Co. “C”, the “German Fusi-
liers, 5-25-61 to 6-16-62. Major of the Regiment, 6-16-62
to 11-2-64. Lt. Col., 11-2-64 to 4-9-65. Wounded at battle

202

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Also present at Siege of York-
town, and battles of Williamsburg, Seven Pines, Sharpsburg,
Fredericksburg, Salem Church, Gettysburg, Bristow Sta-
tion, Petersburg Campaign. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,

4- 9-65.

Major Duke Nall: Captain, Co. “K”, the “Southern Guards”,

5- 16-61 to 11-2-64. Promoted to Major, 11-2-64. Wounded
at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Seriously wounded at
battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Also present at the Siege
of Yorktown, and the battles of Gaines’ Mill, Frazier’s Farm,
2nd Manassas, Fredericksburg, Salem Church, and Bristow
Station. Died 11-4-64, from complications caused by wound
received at the battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Adjutant Thomas Phelan: 9-28-61 to 4-15-62. Promoted to Cap-
tain of Co. “A”, 4-15-62 to 6-27-62. Killed at the battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Also present at the siege of York-
town, and the battles of Williamsburg and Seven Pines.
Adjutant Daniel Jones: 5-1-62 to 5-14-63. Appointed Assistant
Quartermaster, 9th Alabama Infantry, 5-14-63. Wounded
at the battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Also present at siege
of Yorktown, and battles of Seven Pines, Chancellorship,
and Gettysburg.

Adjutant Morgan S. Cleveland: Private, Co. “D”, 5-10-61 to 7-61.
Quartermaster Sergeant, 7-61 to 6-28-63. Appointed Ad-
jutant of the Regiment, 6-28-63. Wounded at battle of
Weldon Railroad, 8-20-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Assistant Quartermaster Julius A. Robbins: 6-12-61 to 9-30-63.
Resigned.

Assistant Quartermaster R. P. McCormick: 6-1-62 to 10-25-62.
Dropped.

Assistant Quartermaster H. J. Raphael: 11-10-63 to 2-1-64.
Resigned.

Assistant Quartermaster William H. Dunn: 1st Corporal, Co.
“H”, 5-30-61 to 5-1-62. Ordnance Sergeant, 5-1-62 to
10-24-62. 2nd Lt., 10-24-62 to 2-17-64. Appointed Assist-
ant Quartermaster (Captain) of Regiment, 2-17-64 to

6- 14-64. Appointment expired.

Assistant Commissary of Subsistence G. W. Privett: 3-28-62 to
9-17-63. Resigned.

Assistant Commissary of Subsistence George H. Shorter : 6-12-61
to 3-25-62. Resigned.

19 7 7

203

Surgeon Robert T. Royston: Private Co. “A”, 5-8-61 to 6-17-61.
Appointed Assistant Surgeon of the Regiment, 6-17-61. Ap-
pointed Surgeon 9-28-61. Present in every battle in which
the command was engaged from, thei siege of Yorktown
through the battle of Burgess’ Mill, 11-64. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Assistant Surgeon Darnel Parker: 1st Corporal and Sergeant of
Co. “A”, 5-8-61 to 7-3-61. Appointed Assistant Surgeon,
7-3-61. Assigned to the 10th Alabama Infantry, 5-5-64.
Present in every battle in which the command was engaged
from the siege of Yorktown through the battle of Burgess’
Mill, 11-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Assistant Surgeon Charles W. Truehart: From 4-23-64. Trans-
ferred to an Engineer’s Corps, 12-64. Present from the
battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64 through the battle of Bur-
gess’ Mill, 11-64.

Chaplain Wilh’am E. Massey: 10-15-63 to 4-9-65. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Ensign L. P. Ragsdale: Private, Co. “F”, 5-21-61. Sergeant,
1863. Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Ap-
pointed Ensign 4-8-64 to 10-31-64. No other record.

Sergeant Major William M. Byrd, Jr.: From 5-10-61. Present
at siege of Yorktown, and battles of Williamsburg, Seven
Pines, Gaines’ Mill, Frazier’s Farm, and 2nd Manassas.
Promoted and transferred as Assistant Commissary for
Subsistence, 11-62.

Sergeant Major J. P. Harris: From 5-10-61. Wounded at battle
of Petersburg Crater, 7-64. Present throughout war.

Quartermaster Sergeant John H. Aunspaugh: Private, Co. “D”.
Promoted from the ranks, 8-63. Present throughout war.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Hospital Sergeant John Brown : Present at battles of Fredericks-
burg, Salem Church, Gettysburg, and Bristow Station.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Ordnance Sergeant David Buell: Quartermaster Co. “F” from
5-1-61. Promoted to Ordnance Sergeant of Regiment,
11-8-62. Present at siege of Yorktown, and battles of
Williamsburg, Seven Pines, 2nd Manassas, Fredericksburg,
Salem Church, and Gettysburg. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

294

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX E

Company “A”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company was raised on May 8, 1861, at Marion, Perry

County, Alabama, as the “Alabama Rangers”, and was mustered

into C. S. A. service on June 9, 1861, for the period of the war.

Captain Young L. Royston: 5-8-61 to 3-10-62. Promoted to
Major of the Regiment 3-20-62. Promoted to Lt. Col.,

5- 5-62. Promoted to Colonel 6-16-62. Wounded at battle
of Frazier's Farm, 6-30-62. Seriously wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Also present at siege of York-
town, and battles of Seven Pines, Gaines’ Mill, and Fred-
ericksburg. Finally retired, 11-2-64, due to physical dis-
ability due to wound received at battle of Salem Church.

Captain Robert W. Sanders: 1st Sergeant 5-23-61. Promoted
to 2nd Lt., 4-23-62. 1st Lt., 7-13-62. Wounded at battle of
Sharp-sburg, 9-17-62. Wounded at battle of Petersburg,

6- 22-64. Promoted to Captain 12-15-64. Hospitalized in
Richmond, Va., when war ended.

Captain Thomas R. Heard, Jr.: 2nd Lt., 5-8-61. Captain 6-30-62.
Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at
battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Retired, 12-14-64, due
to wound received at battle of the Wilderness.

Captain Thomas Phelan: 1st Sergeant 5-8-61. Promoted to
Regimental Adjutant 9-28-61. Promoted to Captain of
Company “A”, 4-15-62. Killed in action at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62. Also present at siege of Yorktown, and
battles of Williamsburg and Seven pines.

1st Lt., John C. Reid: 5-8-61 to 3-20-62. Promoted to Lt. Col.,
of 28th Alabama Infantry Regiment, 3-20-62.

1st Lt. John D. McLaughlin: 2nd Lt., 5-8-61. Promoted to 1st
Lt., 3-20-62. Died from wounds received at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

1st Lt., C. E. Seawell: Transferred from the 4th Alabama In-
fantry and made the Sergeant Major of the 8th Alabama
Regiment, 10-62. 2nd Lt., 11-25-62. 1st Lt., 12-15-64.
Paroled at Marion, Alabama, 5-15-65.

2nd Lt., Martin V. Massey: Private 5-21-62. Corporal 8-14-61.
Severely wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Elected
2nd Lt., 3-25-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. N., 4-9-65.

19 7 7

205

Chaplain William E. Massey: Private 2-16-63. Appointed Chap-
lain of the Regiment, 11-16-63. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Asst. Surgeon Daniel Parker: 1st Corporal and Sergeant of
Company “A”, 5-8-61 to 7-3-61. Appointed Asst. Surgeon
of the Regiment, 7-3-61. Assigned to the 10th Alabama
Infantry Regiment, 5-5-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

2nd Lt., David B. Cady: 9-10-62 to 2-27-63. Cashiered 3-4-63.
Deserted to the enemy. Sent to Old Capitol Prison, Wash-
ington, D.C. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 3-25-63.

Surgeon Robert T. Royston: Private Company “A”, 5-8-61.
Appointed Asst. Surgeon of the Regiment, 6-17-61. Ap-
pointed Surgeon 9-28-61. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Enlisted Ranks

Adier, Joseph M. : His name appears on a register of deceased
soldiers from Alabama which was filed for final settlement
with family, 12-1-63.

Ashley, William N. 6-25-64 — Russell Co., Ala.: Conscript,

paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Anbrey, James, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. : Died, 7-2-62, of wounds
received at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Baber, J.M. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of w r ar
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 6-20-65.

Bamburg, Lysander P. 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala.: Accidently shot
in hand. Discharged due to physical disability, 8-61.

Barefield, Edmund 8-25-62 — Clifton, Ala., Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Transfered to Hammond General
Hospital, Point Lookout, Md., 10-63. Exchanged and hos-
pitalized at Chimborazo Hospital No. 5, Richmond, Va.,
3-64.

Barefield, John 8-25-62 — *Clifton, Ala. : Conscript. Wounded and
captured at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Chose not to
be exchanged.

Barrett, David W., 9-27-61 — Died of wounds received at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Barrett, James, 8-11-62— Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Re-
ported a deserter.

206

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Blair, James H., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged from Fort Delaware
Prison, Del., 8-5-62. Hospitalized and supposed to have
died at South Carolina Hospital, Petersburg, Va.

Blakely, J. T. : Corporal. His name appears on a roll of prison-
ers of war paroled at Gainesville, Ala., 5-14-65.

Boggs, Benjamin F. 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to
physical disability, 6-1-61.

Bolling, Allen 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Exchanged, 1-63. Wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Name placed on Roll of Honor
for gallantry. Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A. Joined U. S. 3rd
Maryland Cavalry.

Bowline, W. R. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-30-65.

Boykin, M. B. 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Present through 1864.

Bradburg, George W. 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at
Culpepper C. H., 11-11-62.

Bradley, James W. 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Transfered to U. S. A. Smallpox Hospital, Point Lookout,
Md., 6-30-64. Paroled, 10-64.

Brown, David, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of Hanover
Junction, 5-24-64.

Brown, Oliver C. 5-21-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 11-11-61.

Brown, Thomas, 5-21-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 10-15-61.

Brown, William, 5-8-61 — Marion Ala. Discharged due to physical
disability, 12-15-61.

Browning, B. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Gainesville, Ala., 5-14-65.

Burroughs, Bryan, 11 -19-64- -Marion, Ala. Conscript. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Burt, J. F., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged,
10-64. Died of illness, 11-30-64.

Bushard, James Duke, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Discharged due to his wounds,
9-22-62.

19 7 7

207

Caddell, William J., 4-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 5th Sergeant, 8-1-62.
4th Sergeant, 4-1-63. 2nd Sergeant, 2-1-64. Killed at battle
of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-12-64.

Cady, George N., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
South Mountain during 1st Maryland Campaign, 9-15-62.
Exchanged, 1-63. Deserted to the enemy, 3-27-63.

Caesar, William, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Musician. Discharged
due to physical disability, 10-62.

Candle, John A., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
May have been exchanged.

Cariker, Henry, 8-11-62 — Camp W T atts, Ala. Substitute for a
conscript. Died of illness in Richmond, Va., hospitai, 8-2-63.

Carleton, Reuben J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Sergeant 7-12.
Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Died, 6-12-64,
from wounds received 5-12-64 at battle of Spotsylvania C. H.

Cassidy, John, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Severely wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged due to physical dis-
ability caused by his wounds, 11-15-62.

Cavanaugh, William. Deserted his Company. However remained
in Confederate service by joining C. S. Navy.

Clark, Edmond, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at a battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged 8-5-62. Sergeant 4-1-63. Detailed as Machinist
at Richmond, Va., 9-2-64.

Clark, William. His name appears on a roll of paroled Confed-
erate soldiers, 6-65.

Coche, John W. Captured 7-3-62. Took oath of allegiance to
the U. S. A.

Cochran, J. W., 5-8-61 — Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Took oath of allegiance to U. S. A. at
Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 5-65.

Cochran, Samuel, 9-2-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

Colburn, John W., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at
Lynchburg, Va., 7-62.

Coley, Robert F., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Corporal. Wounded at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Paroled at Lynchburg, Va., 4-13-65.

Cook, John J., 5-21-61 — Marion, Ala. Wagonmaster. Transfered
to Co. K., 11th Alabama Regiment, 4-13-65.

208

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Cook, William C., 5-21-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness near
Yorktown, Va., 12-61.

Daly, John, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62. Froze to death near Fredericksburg, Va.,
2-22-63.

Dargan, James, 5-8-61 — Marion. 2nd Corporal. 4th Sergeant
8-14-61. Killed at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Davis, James H., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 2nd Sergeant, 6-5-62.
Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged 3-1-64.

Deal, Lewis 0. Conscript. Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

DeBarleder, A. H. His name appears on a roll of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-20-65.

Donavan, Thomas J., 6-4-61 — Gloucester Point, Va. Died of
typhoid fever at Richmond, Va., 12-25-62.

Donovan, Moses E., 6-4-61 — Gloucester Point, Va. 4th Sergeant,
6-5-62. Wounded at battle of Frazier's Farm, 6-30-62. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged, 3-64. 2nd
Sergeant, 9-1-64.

Donovan, Henry, 8-3-61 — Yorktown, Va. Mortally wounded at
battle of Frazier's Farm, 6-30-62. Died, 7-27-62.

Doremas, T. J. His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director's Office, Richmond, Va., as patient, 12-20-62.

Draper, William, 8-11-62 — McAndrew, Ala. Conscript. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Duke, Perry M., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62.

Duke, William H., 5-8-61 Marion. Ala. Killed at battle of Wil-
liamsburg, 5-5-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Duncan, John, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at Wil-
liamsburg, Va., 3-62.

Fleming, J. Q., 3-21-62 — Rockford, Ala. Conscript. Died in a
Richmond hospital, 12-15-62.

Fleming, R. H., 8-21-62 — Rockford, Ala. Conscript. Died of
pneumonia at the 2nd Alabama hospital, Richmond, 2-2-63.

Fibry, S.H. His name appears on a register of Confederate
soldiers who died of wounds or disease, n.d. n.p.

Folter, Elliott. Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Sent
to Point Lookout Prison, Md., 8-30-63'. Transfered to a
U. S. hospital, 1-15-64.

Foster, R. M., 5-23-61 — Decatur, Ala. Transfered from Company
C. Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Never re-
turned from wounded furlough and reported a deserter.

19 7 7

209

Fuller, John, 2-12-64 — Demopolis, Ala. Wounded (not by ene-
my), 8-64, at Deep Bottom, Va. Deserted to the enemy.

Gentry, Jasper M., 5-8-61 — 'Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Gentry, John M., 8-8-61— Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Died
at Point Lookout Prison, 1-16-64.

Gentry, Manly. Detailed as Teamster for hospital.

Gentry, Reason J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Gilleland, A. J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of pneumonia at 2nd
Alabama Hospital, Richmond, Va,, 12-15-62.

Golden, G. W. Conscript. Paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-65.

Gregory, S. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-25-65.

Griffin, Richard C., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 3rd Sergeant. Died
at Bigler’s Wharf, York Co., Va., 11-16-61.

Hamrick, James, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle of
Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Exchanged, 7-62. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Exchanged, 2-18-65.

Hanney, T. His name appears on a register of the Medical Direc-
tor’s Office, Richmond, Va., as admitted as a patient,
2-21-63.

Harman, A. E., 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62.

Harwood, C. F., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Retired, 12-21-62, due
to wounds received at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62.

Heming, R. H. His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 12, Richmond, Va., as deceased.

Hilston, J. His name appears on a register of the Medical Direc-
tor’s Office, Richmond, Va., 2-20-63.

Hokes, J. D. Corporal. His name appears on a register of How-
ard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 5-9-64.

Holstead, John, 8-28-62 — Clopton, Ala. Conscript. Discharged
due to physical disability, 7-11-63.

Howard, Claudius F., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. His name appears
on the muster roll of the Company for 3 months in 1861.

Hubbard, Andrew J. Corporal. Sergeant, 4-1-63. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 2-10-65.

Huff, Ira H. Conscript. Discharged, 3-13-63.

210

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Hutchins, Michael, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Totopotomoy Creek,
6-8-64.

Ivey, Hinton, C. G., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Corporal, 8-1-62.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.
Sent to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New
York Harbor. Exchanged 2-64.

Ivey, William H. P., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured at battle
of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Exchanged, 7-16-62. Died, 7-12-63,
of wounds received at battle of Gettysburg.

Jackson, Joseph, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 4th Sergeant. 1st Ser-
geant, 4-31-62. Killed at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.
Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

Jacksrn, Love (Lowe), T., 8-10-62 — Marble Valley, Ala. Con-
script. Present throughout war.

Jackson, William L., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at
Richmond, Va., 11-8-64.

Jackson, William T., 8-10-62 — Marble Valley, Ala. Conscript.
Died of illness at Howards Grove General Hospital, Rich-
mond, Va., 11-8-64.

James, Edward Dargan, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Corporal. 4th
Sergeant, 8-14-61. Killed at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Jeffreys (Jeffries), James, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged
due to physical disability, 6-19-62.

Jennings, Henry W. — Lowndesboro, Ala. Transferred from 3rd
Alabama Regiment, 9-13-61. Died of illness while home,
9-7-62.

Jennings, Samuel K., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 3rd Corporal. 1st
Corporal, 8-14-61. 5th Sergeant, 9-1-61. Killed at battle of
the Wilderness, 5-5-64.

Johnson, C. C., 9-11-63 — Marion, Ala. Conscript. Captured at
Burkesville, Va., 4-6-65. Released, 6-14-65.

Johnson, Charles P., 9-11-63 — Conscript.

Johnson, D. E. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-20-65.

Johnson, Henry S., 3-25-63 — Marion, Ala. Conscript. Orderly
for the Commanding Officer.

Johnson, James, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Accidently shot. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 9-61.

Johnson, Scott, 3-10-64 — Selma, Ala. Conscript. Musician. Cap-
tured at battle of Hatcher’s Run, Va., 2-6-65. Sent to Point
Lookout Prison, Md., and paroled 6-14-65.

19 7 7

211

Jones, Harrison. Died of illness at Amelia, C.H., Va., 5-12-62.

Joy, W. H. His name appears on a list of prisoners of war on
the Steamer Katskill, 8-5-62.

Kelley, Gully, 8-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. — Substitute. Wounded
at battle of Burgess’ Mill, 1-27-64.

Kendrick, D. His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 3-19-65.

Kirkland, Moses S., 8-28-62 — Echo, Ala. Conscript. Wounded at
battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Paroled at Albany, Ga.,
5-24-65.

Latner, John V., 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of illness at Fred-
ericksburg, Va., 11-21-62.

Lee (Lea), Henry C., 6-11-61 — Marion, Ala. Transfered from
Company K, 11th Alabama, 3-12-62. Detailed to Division
Signal Corps, 7-28-63.

Linn, W. J. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-19-65.

Lockwell, J. A. 4th Corporal, 10-1-62. Deserted to the enemy.

Logan, George W., 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Died, 2-64.

Logan, Henderson B., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Corporal, 8-1-62.
Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Paroled n.d. Died at Alabama Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va., 4-3-65.

Logan, William L., 5-21-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to
physical disability, 10-61.

Martin, William E., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Severely wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Permanently disabled.

McCullough, Rufus, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

McDonald, William, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to
physical disability, 5-27-61.

Milhouse, Clarence A., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. 1st Sergeant, 8-1-62. Deserted,
3-27-63. Took oath of allegiance.

Morrison, William. Conscript. Deserted and took oath of al-
legiance to U. S. A.

Murphy, Richard, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Fredericksburg, 12-13-62. Promoted to 1st Corporal for
gallantry, 4-1-63. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness,

212

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

5-6-64. Wounded at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64.
Name placed on the Roll of Honor. Resigned, 12-64.

Murray, W. E. His name appears on a register of payment to
discharged soldiers, 1-25-64.

Oakes, J. D. Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. 4th
Corporal, 3-64. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Oakes, John L., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Severely wounded at battle
of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-9-64. Discharged and died from
his wounds before reaching home.

Oakes, Marcus D. L., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle
of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64. Captured near the end
of the war.

Oakes, William Thomas, 5-16-61 — Marion, Ala. 1st Sergeant,
4-1-63. Accidently wounded with an axe, 11-16-64. Paroled
at Lynchburg, Va., 4-15-65.

Oats, W. S. His name appears on a register of General Hospital.
No. 9, Richmond, Va., as discharged to duty, 5-5-64.

Ogly, W. T. Sergeant. His name appears on a register of Chim-
borazo Hospital No. 4, Richmond, Va., 5-6-63.

Orr, James, 8-27-62 — Marion, Ala. Conscript.

Orr, Sample, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Teamster. Killed at battle
of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64.

Owens, Lewis G., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to phy-
sical disability, 3-62.

Pearl, Thomas. His name appears on a register of Chimborazo
Hospital No. 2, Richmond, Va., 11-5-62.

Pedigo, Thomas J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to
physical disability, 11-28-61.

Perrin, Jasper. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Tuscaloosa, Ala., 5-18-65.

Philpot, John C., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to phy-
sical disability, 7-62.

Price, F. M. — His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 6-25-64.

Rayel, Eue-ene, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to physical
disability, 9-61.

Roberson, (Robertson) Lewis J., 8-14-62 — Elba, Ala. Substitute
for a Conscript.

Rowe, Fletcher, 8-19-62 — McAndrew, Ala. Conscript. Died of
illness near Fredericksburg, Va., 1-21-63.

19 7 7

213

Rutherford, Thomas (William) J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Died of
illness at Yorktown, Va., 12-61.

Rutledge, Benjamin W., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged,
9-27-62.

Smelley (Smiley), Thomas J., 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured
at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Exchanged, 8-5-62. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Point Lookout Prison, Md.
Transfered to Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 10-27-63.

Smelley (Smiley), Samuel, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged
due to physical disability from C. S. A. Hospital, Danville,
Va., 7-62.

Smith, Aaron, 8-26-62 — «Clopton, Ala. Conscript. Wounded at
battle of the Enemy's Left Flank, Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64.

Smith, J. E. (L). His name appears on a register of Chimborazo
Hospital No. 4, as admitted as patient, 2-20-63.

Smith, N. His name appears on a register of Howard's Grove
General Hospital, Richmond, Va., as admitted as patient,

6- 25-64.

Snodly, Samuel, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to phy-
sical disability, 7-1-62.

Speir, John P., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62. Died of illness at home, 9-18-62.

Stack, Richard, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of 2nd
Manassas, 8-30-62. Deserted to the enemy, 9-5-62, Took
oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 9-12-62.

Steele, J, His name appears on a list of prisoners of war cap-
tured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Stevens, John M., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Detailed as guard at
Bartlett's Hospital, Richmond, Va. Discharged due to
physical disability, 7-62.

Stockwell, John (James) A., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded and
captured at battle of Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Exchanged,

7- 16-62. 4th Corporal 10-62. Deserted to the enemy, 3-27-63,
near Chancellorsville, Va.

Taylor, Samuel. His name appears on a register of Seminary
Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., as returned to duty, 12-26-61.

Thompson, Samuel, 9-27-61— Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Tomblinson, James, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Frazier's Farm, 6-30-62. Paroled, 10-2-62.
Died of illness at Mt. Jackson, Va., 21-11-62.

214

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Tomblinson, James W., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed on the
picket line near Petersburg, Va., 10-27-64.

Tomblinson, Ulysses, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to
over age, 7-64.

Traywick, William H., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Tubb, Felix T. Conscript. Captured at battle of Hatcher's Run,
2-7-65. Sent to City Point, Va., 2-8-65. Released, 6-8-65,
from Point Lookout, Md.

Tubb, George W., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 2nd Sergeant. Died,
6-16-62, from wounds received at battle of Williamsburg,
5-5-62.

Tucker, David, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 4th Corporal, 4-1-63. Killed
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Name placed on the Roll
of Honor.

Tucker, John, 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to physical
disability, 8-61.

Vines, James A. (V), 8-6-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala. Conscript.
Captured near Petersburg, Va., 2-65. Released at Point
Lookout, Md., 6-21-65.

Wacher, George. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of
war at Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Waddle, Richard J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. 5th Sergeant. Killed
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Walker (Wacher), George J., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Captured
straggling near Sharpsburg, Md., 9-62. Exchanged, 11-10-
62. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Walker, J. E. His name appears on a register of Small Pox
Hospital, Richmond, Va., 12-62.

Walstead, J. His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., 2-20-63.

Wamble, George W., 5-8-61 — ‘Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Ward, William H., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Discharged due to his wounds, 8-62.

Weeks, Henry J., 8-8-62 — Elba, Ala. Conscript. Deserted to the
enemy, 8-2-64.

Weeks, John W., 8-22-62— Camp Watts, Ala. Transfered from
Company E, 1-1-64. Deserted, 1-65.

Whitus, William R., 5-8-61— Marion, Ala, Sent to hospital in
Richmond, Va., 8-62. Supposed to have died.

19 7 7

215

Wilkenson, U. His name appears on a register of: Seminary
Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., 12-26-61 as returned to duty.

Williams, Francis (Frank), K., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Corporal,
5-61. 2nd Sergeant, 12-61. Died, 7-16-62, from wounds
received at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Name placed
on the Roll of Honor.

Williams, J. H. His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-23-65.

Williams, Robert M., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Discharged due to
physical disability, 8-1-61.

Williamson, Sumpter M., 7-17-63 — Richmond, Va. Transfered
from Richmond City Battalion, 8-64. Wounded on picket
line, 8-24-64.

Wilson, E., 9-5-62 — Macon Co., Ala. Conscript. Died of illness
at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 11-9-63.

Wilson, Lewis J., 9-30-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Killed at battle of
Weldon Railroad, 8-21-64.

Woolly, H. A., 2-13-63 — Marion, Ala. Conscript. Seriously
wounded at battle of Gettysburg. 7-2-63. Leg amputated
and discharged due to physical disability.

Wyers, John Henry, 9-27-61 — Marion, Ala. Accidently wounded,
9-27-62. Discharged due to physical disability, 11-62.

Winters, Benjamin F., 5-8-61 — Marion, Ala. Killed at battle of
Williamsburg, 5-6-62.

216

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX F

Company “B”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company was raised on April 25, 1861, at Wetumpka,

Coosa County, Alabama, as the “Governor’s Guard” and was

mustered in C. S. A. service on June 9, 1861, for the period

of the war.

Officers

Captain T. W. W. Davies: 5-13-61 to 3-20-62. Promoted to
Major of the 28th Alabama Infantry Regiment, 3-20-62.

Captain C. W. Hannon: 1st Lt., 5-17-61. Captain, 3-20-62,
Died 8-8-62, from wounds received at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62.

Captain M. G. McWilliams: 2nd Lt., 5-17-61. 1st Lt., 3-20-62,
Captain, 8-8-62. Died of illness, 1-10-64.

Captain G. T. L. Robison: 1st Sergeant, 5-13-61. 2nd Lt., 9-4-
62. Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. 1st Lt.,
12-29-62. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.
Wounded at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64. Cap-
tain, 1-10-64. Paroled at Appomattox C.H., 4-9-65.

1st Lt. J. B. Hannon: Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62,
Promoted to 2nd Lt., 12-29-62. Wounded at battle of Spot-
sylvania C.H., 5-12-64. 1st. Lt., 1-10-64. Paroled at Ap-
pomattox C.H., 4-9-65.

2nd Lt. Louis H. Grumpier: 5-17-61 to 12-4-61. Resigned due to
physical disability.

2nd Lt. C. M. Maynard: Jr. 2nd Lt., 5-17-61. 2nd Lt., 12-15-61.
Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

2nd Lt. John M. Loyall: 2nd Sergeant, 5-13-61. Jr. 2nd Lt.,
3-20-62. 2nd Lt., 5-2-62. Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill,

6-27-62.

2nd Lt. William J. Canterbury: 3rd Sergeant, 5-13-61. Jr. 2nd
Lt., 6-30-62. 2nd Lt., 9-4-62. Died, 12-29-62, from wounds
received at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

2nd Lt. A. M. DeBardeleben : 4th Sergeant, 5-13-61. Captured
at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Exchanged, 8-5-62. Jr. 2nd Lt., 11-62. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Apparently
paroled. 2nd Lt., 1-64. Paroled at Montgomery, Ala. 5-
19-65.

1 9 ' 7 7

217

Enlisted Ranks

Arnold, B. R. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 4th quarter of 1862.

Arnold, David C. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg,
7-3-63.

Arnold, J., 7-17-61— Wetumpka, Ala. Killed, 6-22-64, near Pet-
ersburg, Va.

Arnold, Robert P. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Seriously wounded
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Treated at various U. S.
hospitals in and about Gettysburg, Pa. Apparently given
wounded parole and sent to a Richmond hospital for further
treatment, 6-64.

Bailey, A. V. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. 4th Corporal. Dis-
charged 9-21-61.

Baker, James W. 8-15-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Detailed
as Teamster with forage unit throughout war.

Barron, J. B.: Died of illness at Howard’s Grove General Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va., 1-27-63.

Barron, T. J. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Treated at Alabama Hospital, Rich-
mond, Va. Furloughed to Alabama 7-25-63. Hospitalized
in Montgomery, Ala., 9-1-64.

Barwick, James G.: His name appears on a register of deceased
soldiers from Alabama.

Beck, W. E.: Died of illness, 3-4-63, at Howard’s Grove General
Hospital, Richmond, Va.

Bern, D. H.: His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as admitted 11-10-62.

Benton, B. P. 5-14-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Killed at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

Betts, William S. 9-1-61 — Yorktown, Va. Killed at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

Biggs, William, 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Detailed as Shoe-
maker to Columbus, Ga.

Black, J. T. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 5-7-64.

Black, W. E.: His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as dying 3-5-63.

Blake, William, 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Captured at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

218

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Exchanged 8-5-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. H. 4-9-65.

Bowdoin, John W. 8-22-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Detailed to Army
pontoon train.

Bowley, G. W. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Bowley, W. H. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-2-63. Released from Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 6-14-65.

Bowring, John W. 8-2-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. 3rd Corporal. Dis-
charged, 12-9-61, due to physical disability.

Bowring, Thompson. 5-15-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Musician. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 5-22-62.

Brown, N. L.: His name appears on a register of Way Hospital,
Meridian, Miss., 1-1-65.

Buckner, Charles G. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Killed at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Buckner, M. W. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg,
7-2-63.

Bulger, L. P. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg,

7- 2-63.

Burk, Henry W. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness, 7-
15-62.

Butler, D. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Musician. Died of illness,

8- 14-61.

Burton, B. F. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Mobile, Ala., 6-18-65.

Bush, John H. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Bush, R. T. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Paroled at Montgomery,
Ala., 5-16-65.

Cain, William P. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Detailed as nurse
at Camp Winder General Hospital, Richmond, V., 12-14-62.

Cakhela, J.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war.
Paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-22-65.

Campbell, G. 6-21-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness, 7-22-62.

Campbell, O. H. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness. 9-20-
62.

Carden, John, 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Dropped from the roll.

19 7 7

219

7-30-63. It was thought that he died in a Richmond hos-
pital.

Cariker, George W. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness,
5-25-62.

Cariker, W. W. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Carlton, Seaborn 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Indications are that
he was exchanged for record indicates he was paroled at
Montgomery, Ala., 5-19-65.

Chaney, J. P. : His name appears on a register of Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as patient 12-62.

Chappell, James L. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Captured at bat-
tle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Exchanged. Wounded at battle
of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Captured while patient in hos-
pital in Richmond, Va., 4-3-65. Sent to Newport News
Prison.

Coker, W. P. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness, 7-10-61.

Coleman, R. C. 5-11-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63. Hospitalized frequently thereafter. Pa-
roled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-30-65.

Connor, B. F. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka. Ala. Wounded at battle of
the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Killed near Petersburg, Va., 5-1-64.

Cook, Thomas M. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Present at siege of
Yorktown, and battles of Williamsburg and Seven Pines.
Hospitalized at C. S. A, General Hospital, Danville, Va.,
4-63. Discharged due to physical disability, 9-6-63.

Cooper, R. G. D. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Discharged due to
physical disability, 9-6-62.

Coulton, S. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Captured and exchanged,
No other information.

Crittendon, E(C). T. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Discharged due to physical disability,
11-12-63.

Crow, W. T. 1-17-63 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Present
throughout war. Deserted 3-24-65. Took oath of allegiance
to the U. S. A. Transportation furnished to Goshen, N.Y.

Dallinger, J. G. : His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty, 3-
3-63.

220

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Darrah, H. T. 5-18-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Later detailed with ambulance
train. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Deason, A. J. 2-15-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Killed at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Downs, W. W. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Present throughout
the war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Dukes, William 2-24-64 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Wounded
near Petersburg, Va., 8-16-64. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Edwards, A. 5-11-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of the Peters-
burg Crater, 7-30-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Edwards, John R. 5-11-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Chronically ill.
Dropped from the roll, 8-62.

Ensley, J. W. 5-11-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness, 1-26-62.

Evans, Bronson R. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Apparently given-
wounded parole for his name appears on a register of
C. S. A. General Hospital, Farmville, Va., 8-28-63.

Ferguson, John T. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Finn, J. His name appears on a muster roll of Camp Winder
General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 10-31-62.

Fleming, G. R. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Captured at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Exchanged at Aiken's Landing, Va.,
11-10-62. Killed near Petersburg, Va., 6-13-64.

Floyd, M (W). C. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, A^a. Promoted to 2nd
Corporal 8-31-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Forbus, G. F. 4-3-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Hospitalized frequently
thereafter. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Forbus, Josiah, S. 4-3-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Discharged due to phys-
ical disability.

Furgeson, J. T. 5-18-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Wounded at battle of Weldon Rail-
road, 8-21-64. Paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-10-65.

Gantt, David 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, AJa. Deserted toward end
of war, 3-19-65. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.
Transportation furnished to Goshen, N. Y.

19 7 7

221

Gav, J. N. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Gilland, B. F. 3-10-64 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Killed at
battle of Cold Harbor, 6-3-64.

Ginn, A. V. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Physician. Present
throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Ginn, W. J. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 8-16-61.

Goodwin, J. T. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Captured at battle of Hatcher’s Run,
Va., 2-7-65. Sent to Point Lookout Prison, Md. Released

6- 2-65.

Hall, Soseph, 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Hall, William A. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.
Given wounded parole. Deserted 1-10-64.

Harold, D. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital,
Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64.

Harris, A. C. 4-12-62 — Wetumpka, Ala. Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-11-64. Paroled at Mont-
gomery, Ala., 5-17-65.

Harris, B. F. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Harris, W. J. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Died of illness, 9-22-62.

Haynes, John H. 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Aia. Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg,

7- 2-63.

Haynes, Zachariah, 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Captured while
detailed to care for wounded at battle of Gettysburg. Sent
to Point Lookout Prison, Md. Exchanged 2-18-65. Name
placed on Roll of Honor.

Henden, J. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-24-65.

Hendrix, A. W. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Salem Church,
5-3-63. Wounded at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Wounded
at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Hoffle, A.: His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., 4-17-64.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Hopper, J.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-23-65.

Hopper, W. W. 5-16-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Corporal. Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-2/7-62. Transfered to Company
E, 38th Georgia Regiment, January 1864, being a citizen of
Georgia.

Horton, James L. 4-5-62 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Paroled or exchanged 7-30-63. Died of
illness in Richmond hospital, 1-20-65.

Horton, William H. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg. Right leg amputated.
Given wounded parole. Paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-
20-65.

Howard, J. N. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Present throughout
war. Corporal 2-29-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Howard, Wiley M. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: 1st Corporal.
Severely wounded at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Never
returned to full duty. Paroled at Montgmery, Ala., 5-16-65.

Hupps, W. W. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Transferred to 38th
Georgia Regiment, 1-64.

Isley, S. T. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., 9-16-63.

Jester, Nathan, 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: 5th Sergeant. De-
serted to the enemy. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Johnson, B.: His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va.. 6-11-63.

Johnson, J.: Died of illness at Camp Winder General Hospital,
Richmond, Va., 11-28-62.

Johnson, William I.: Died at Fredericksburg, Va. n.d.

Jordan, J. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness in a Rich-
mond, Va., hospital, 7-15-62.

Jordan, William R. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness,
6-7-62.

Jowers, J. A. D. M. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Fraziers’ Farm, 6-30-62. Detailed as Provost Guard 11-
18-63.

Kappel, M. G. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Discharged 9-12-61.

Kelley, C. H. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness, 7-12-62.

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223

Kelly, M. J. 4-25-62 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Severely
wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Detailed to
Brigade wagon yard.

Leak, T. F 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Present with Company
throughout war. Promoted to Sergeant 2-29-64. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Lesenbo, J. L.: His name appears on a register for pay for the
period of 5-1-63 to 6-30-63.

Lewis, W. D. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Detailed as Division
Wagoner. Killed at battle of Totopotomoy Creek, 6-1-84.

Lyle, M. P. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 3-15-62.

Maddox, S. J. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Killed, n.d.

Martin, John. 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala. Present with Company
throughout war. Promoted to Corporal 2-29-64. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Matthews, B. K.: His name appears on a register of General
Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 6-2-64.

Matthews, H.: His name appears on a register of Howard’s
Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., as returned to
duty 9-64.

McCarly, J. : His name appears on a register of prisoners of
war at Hart’s Island, New York Harbor, 4-10-65.

Melton, John W.: Conscript. Discharged, 3-13-63, by providing
a substitute.

Merritt, J. W. : Conscript. Died of illness 11-28-62.

Michaud, P. : 4-25-64 — Conscript. Detailed to hospital duty with
3rd Army Corps.

Miller, John 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Severely wounded at
battle of Gettysburg. Never returned to active duty.

Morris, W. L. 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged n.d. Paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-31-65.

Nall, W. A., 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Deserted 11-63. Is sup-
posed to have remained in C. S. A.

Paterson, George: Conscript. Record of frequent hospitalization
but no combat duty.

Patten, John: His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 2-20-64.

Patterson, George: His name appears on a register of Howard’s
Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 11-18-62.

224

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Pennington, J., 4-25-62 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness 5-15-
62.

Rainey, W. F., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness, 9-20-
62.

Rawls (Rawles), M. D., 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Killed at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Reed, J. F. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
at Fort Delaware Prison, Del., as captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-4-63.

Reneau, John H., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Corporal. Present
throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Reneau, J. W., 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness 11-1-
61.

Reves, J. H.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-24-65.

Riddle, D. G., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness n.d.

Robison, A., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness 11-30-61.

Robison, Joseph S., 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness
9-13-62.

Robinson, L. D., 2-26-64 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Trans-
fered to Company I, 12th Alabama Infantry Regiment.

Sasnett, L., 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness 7-8-62.

Shackelford, F., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines 6-1-62. Promoted to Corporal and Sergeant
n.d. Wounded on enemy’s left flank at Petersburg, Va.,
6-22-64.

Smith, John T., 3-30-62 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Never fully recovered
from his wound and discharged 3-5-63.

Smith, J. Y.: His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as discharged 1-1-63.

Spears, Daniel W. : His name appears on a register of claims by
family of deceased soldiers. Claim filed by widow Maria
3-19-63.

Spigner, G. M., 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Promoted to 4th
Sergeant 12-21-63. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness
5-6-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Strock, J. S., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 12-16-61.

Swindal, D. W., 5-21-63 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to DeCamp Gen-

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225

eral Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Not ex-
changed.

Swindal, John G., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Gettysburg 7-5-63. Died of illness at Fort Delaware
Prison, Del., 12-24-63.

Taylor, J. J., 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm 6-30-62. Transfered to C. S. Navy, 12-63.

Towler, H. F., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness 7-25-62.

Trice, F. M., 7-21-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Transfered from 12th
Alabama Regiment. Wounded in action around Petersburg,
Va., 6-22-64. Deserted to the enemy 3-65. Took oath of
allegiance to the U. S. A.

Trice, T. F.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 4th quarter of 1864.

Walkley, E. A., 9-30-61— Wetumpka, Ala. : Died of illness 6-22-
62.

Wallace, F. D., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Sharpsburg 9-
17-62.

Watkins, R. 0., 8-9-62 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Conscript. Hospitalized
in Richmond hospitals almost constantly after reporting to
Company.

Weip, John, 7-25-62 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg 7-5-63. Sent to DeCamp
General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Pa-
roled 9-2-63.

Whitaker, W. W., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness 1-
3-62.

White, J. M., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Gurley’s Farm, Va., 6-23-64.

White, R., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Died of illness at Chim-
borazo General Hospital No. 3, Richmond, Va., 4-15-62.

White, W.: His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-65.

White, W. J., 4-5-62 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Record indicates he
was ill and hospitalized throughout most of the war.

White, W. E.: His name appears on a register of Howard’s
Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., as patient, 7-14-64.

Wilf, J. W., 5-13-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Seven Pines 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Exchanged 8-31-62. Captured at battle of

226

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Gettysburg 7-2-63. Again sent to Fort Delaware Prison.
Released 6-14-65.

Wright, J. L., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability 7-16-62.

Wright, W. : His name appears on a register of Camp Winder
General Hospital No. 4, as patient from 10-27-62 to 11-28-
62, and then transfered to Camp Lee, Va.

Yarbrough, J. R., 5-17-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Gettysburg 7-2-63.

Yarbrough, M. B., 9-30-61 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Wounded at bat-
tle of Hanover Junction, Va., 5-24-64. Paroled at Ap-
pomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

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227

APPENDIX G

Company “C”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company was raised on May 18, 1861, at Mobile, Mobile
County, Alabama, as the “Alex Stephens Guards” and was mus-
tered in C, S. A. service on June 9, 1861, for the period of
the war.

OFFICERS

Captain Charles T. Ketchum: 5-18-61 to 11-8-61. Resigned.
Captain Leonard F. Summers: 1st Lt., 5-18-61. Captain, 11-13-

61. Killed at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Captain W. Ben Briggs: 2nd Lt., 5-18-61. 1st Lt., 11-13-61.

Captain, 6-1-62. Resigned, 10-15-62.

Captain Henry C, Lea: 1st Sergeant, 5-18-61. 2nd Lt., 11-13-61.
1st Lt., 6-1-62. Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.
Captain, 10-15-62. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness,

5- 6-64. Absent, wounded, thereafter.

Captain W. T. Pettus: Private, 5-18-61. Captain, 1-26-62. De-
tailed as Provost Marshall. Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill,

6- 27-62.

1st Lt. Henry McHugh: 3rd Sergeant, 5-18-61. Jt. 2nd Lt., 12-
30-61. 2nd Lt., 6-4-62. Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill,
6-27-62. 1st Lt., 10-15-62. Killed at battle of the Peters-
burg Crater, 7-30-64.

2nd Lt. James A. Finch: Dismissed from the service, 12-23-61,
as the result of a Court Martial.

2nd Lt. Frank B. Miller: Private, 5-18-61. Sergeant, 1-4-62.
Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 2nd Lt., 7-15-

62. Wounded (loss of left arm) and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

2nd Lt. Mike D. McDonald: Private, 5-18-61. Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 2nd Lt., 12-16-63. Severely wounded
at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64. Retired 8-3-64.
2nd Lt. Robert Gaddes: Private, 5-18-61. Sergeant, 1-63.
Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. 2nd Lt., 1-12-
65. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Enlisted Ranks

Andrews, James C., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of 2nd Manassas, 8-30-62. Corporal, 2-1-64. Wounded at

223

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Captured while a patient
in a Richmond hospital, 4-B-65. Took oath of allegiance at
Newport News, Va., and released, 6-24-65.

Armstrong, Charles, 6-13-64 — Jefferson City, Ala.: Conscript.
Died of illness at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Rich-
mond, Va., 2-15-65.

Ashlock, Henry, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: A good soldier. Cap-
tured at Jackson Hospital, Richmond, Va., 4-3-65. Paroled
4-22-65.

Baggett, John, 6-13-64— Jefferson City, Ala.: Conscript. Died
of illness, 9-3-64.

Barton, M. C., 6-13-64 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Listed as
a prisoner of war at Libby Prison, Richmond, Va., 4-10-65.

Batchelor, George B., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
phvsical disability, 6-26-61.

Bates, J. R.: His name appears on a register of Howard’s Grove
General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 5-31-64.

Bonnean, (Benneau), H. S., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: A good
soldier. Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 9-30-64.

Bolling, Daniel, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : A good and brave soldier.
Killed at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Bonham, Simeon, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: A good soldier. Died
at Chesapeake General Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., 6-6-62.

Brown, H. S. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 10-6-64.

Brown, John, 8-1-62: Conscript. Frequently hospitalized in
Richmond.

Bryant, Henry, 6-13-64: Conscript. Wounded at the breast-
works near Petersburg, Va., 9-6-64. Captured 4-65.

Callahan, John C., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: A brave soldier.
Wounded at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Name placed on
Roll of Honor at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Campbell, John, 2-1-64 — Mobile, Ala.: Conscript. Deserted to
the enemy.

Campbell, Samuel: Deserted to the enemy, 8-64. Took oath of
allegiance to the U. S. A., 9-29-64.

Carney, W. S. : His name appears on a record of men paroled
at Montgomery, Ala., 5-12-65.

Cassey, John D.: His name appears on a record of prisoners of
war paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-12-65.

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229

Caughlin, John A., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted from the
Company, but remained in C. S. A, service.

Clark, Richard, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to old
age.

Cleveland, Joseph C., 2-1-62 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of typhoid
fever, 6-14-62.

Clousett, John, 5-18-61 — Mobhe, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Sergeant, 2-63. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 49-65.

Cof field, C. W. Jr., 5-18-61— Mobile, Ala.: Corporal, 7-62.

Connelly, Patrick, 5-18-61 — Mobde, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Apparently given wounded
parole. Discharged due to physical disability, 4-14-63.

Cook, William R., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged, 12-26-61.

Cooper, Henry, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of the Petersburg
Crater, 7-30-64. A good and brave soldier.

Cooper, J. M., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Retired, 5-10-63, due to his wounds.

Cortright (Coatright), A. W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 4th Ser-
geant. Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. De-
tailed to Engineer’s Department, Mobile, Ala., 9-7-63.

Cox, Francis, 5-18-62 — Mobile, Ala,: Detailed at Camp Lee, Va.,
as Baker throughout most of the war.

Cummings, J. W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Present throughout
war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65. A good and brave
soldier.

Curmeitter, C. F. : His name appears on a register of General
Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 5-2-63.

Curry, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala,: Wounded at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62. Killed at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. A
good and brave soldier. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

Curtis, H. K., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy,
10-61, while detailed to work on gunboats.

Dade, Jerry, 5-23-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Musician. Present through
1861.

David, L. J. : His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-13-65.

Dearman, Thomas L., 7-2-64 — Sumter Co., Ala.: Conscript.
Severely wounded at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-
30-64.

230

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Deeley, John H.: Severely wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill,

6- 27-62.

Denman, Robert, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of typhoid fever
at a Danville, Va., hospital, 7-19-62.

Denmark, W. B., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company,
but remained in C. S. A. service.

Denny, Joseph W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 1st Corporal. Serious-
ly wounded at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-9-64. Retired
due to loss of a leg.

Dix, Frisby T., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,

7- 8-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 11-
11-64. Sergeant, 12-81-64.

Donovan, William G. (Donnavan), 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: De-
serted his Company, but remained in C. S. A. service.

Dupes, C. W. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 10-23-64.

Dyer, S.: Conscript. His name appears on a register of General
Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 10-9-64.

Eastburn, C. R., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged, 12-16-61.

Echols, Lewis B., 6-20-64 — Shelby Co., Ala.: Conscript. Paroled
at Montgomery, Ala., 5-20-65.

Ennis, William, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 6-2-63.

Farnor (Farnon), James, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died, 6-18-62,
at Mill Creek U. S. A. General Hospital, Fort Monroe, Va.,
as the result of wound received in skirmish at Mill Creek,
Va.

Foster, R. M., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to Company A.

Foy, Thomas, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged, 2-18-65. A brave soldier.

Gallagher, William C., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due
to physical disability, 4-2-62.

Gardner, George P., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 3rd Corporal. Dis-
charged due to physical disability.

Garrett, B. L.: Died, 2-17-63, at Howard’s Grove General Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va.

Gayle, George B., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company,
but remained in C. S. A.

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231

Gedling, Fred: Hospitalized with severe scald at Seminary Hos-
pital, Williamsburg, Va., 12-12-61.

Gill, Joseph K., 6-8-64 — Jefferson City, Ala.: Hospitalized fre-
quently, and saw little, if any, active service. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Goodwin, Frederick H., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the
enemy. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 6-2-63.

Gould, H. L., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company, but
remained in C. S. A.

Gould, M. B., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at Enemy’s Left Flank,
Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64. A good soldier.

Graham, Jesse H., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded at
battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Retired due to his wounds. '

Griggs, D. M. : Corporal. Recorded as a prisoner of war and
paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-65.

Hammock, James H., 8-1-62 — Camp Watts, Va.: Conscript.
Wounded on Enemy’s Left Flank, Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64.
A good soldier.

Hartley, Daniel, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 2-16-62.

Hartley, Frank E., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal, 2-1-64.
Wounded at battle of Cold Harbor, 6-4-64. Paroled at Ap-
pomattox C. II., 4-9-65.

Hartley, Henry C., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wagoner. Paroled at
Mobile, Ala., 6-12-65.

Hartley, James G., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged, 4-31-62.

Higglotten, A. A.: His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-65.

Hobart, Henry J., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 4th Corporal. Killed
at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Hogan, Patrick, 5-16-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A. Joined the 1st
Connecticut Cavalry.

Jackson, Henry: Conscript. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-5-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Jackson, John W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Deserted to the enemy.

James, Henry, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63.

232

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Jarvis, John W., 8-1-62 — Coosa Co., x\la.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died at Fort
Delaware Prison, Del., 2-21-64.

Jordan, F. M., 8-22-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Died in
Richmond, Va., hospital, 5-31-63.

Kennedy, Thomas, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Sergeant, 2-64. Killed
at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-9-64. A good soldier.

Kirkland, Benjamin J., 8-28-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Knott, R. F. : Captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Knox, Asa W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured (or deserted)
at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Sent to Old Capitol
Prison, Washington, D. C.

Lacoste, A., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged 1861.

Lane, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died, 6-10-63, at Chimborazo
General Hospital No. 4, Richmond, Va.

Langdon, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Mortally wounded at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. A good and brave soldier.

Lappington, Albert P., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the
enemy.

Lassiter, Joel, 8-1-62 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Conscript. Discharged
due to physical disability, 10-14-63.

LeGett, S. P., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of the
Wilderness, 5-6-64. Apparently never returned to active
duty.

Libraham (Lybram), W. J., 6-26-64 — Conscript. Deserted to the
enemy. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Loveless, Andrew M., 6-6-64 — Jefferson City, Ala.: Conscript.
Deserted to the enemy, 3-30-65. Took oath of allegiance to
the U. S. A. Transportation furnished to Nashville, Tenn.

Lyons, Cornelius : Dropped from the roll as a deserter. Returned
to duty, 4-27-64.

McCabe, Thomas W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Musician. Deserted
to the enemy, 9-20-64. Took oath of allegiance to the
U. S. A.

McClinton, James A., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Promoted to Ser-
geant, 1-4-62. A brave soldier.

McDonald, Charles, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
general physical disability.

McElroy, A. J., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Detailed to Ordnance Department,
Richmond, Va.

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233

Mclnnerney, P. W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y. Re-
leased, 5-15-65.

McKinzie, H. D., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged, 8-5-62.

McLaine, T. L.: His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-19-65.

Melton, J. J.: His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 5-8-65.

Middlebrook, W. E.: His name appears on a record of Con-
federate soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-13-65.

Moore, W. D.: Captured near Shipensburg, Pa., 6-28-63. Sent to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Transfered to Point Lookout
Prison, Md., 10-26-63.

Morgan, E. C., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Detailed as Provost Guard for re-
mainder of the war.

Morgan, John, 8-8-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Died of
typhoid fever in a Richmond hospital, 6-11-63.

Morgan, M. V., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
2nd Manassas, 8-30-62. Never returned to active duty.

Morman, George W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged, 8-5-62. Died of typhoid fever in a Richmond
hospital, 2-21-64.

Morisson, Everett (Edward), 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded
at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Supposed to have joined
Morgan’s Cavalry.

Nesmith, 0. W.: His name appears on a record of prisoners of
war who died at Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 8-29-63.

Newman, Thomas D., 5-21-61— Mobile, Ala.: Captured (or de-
serted) after battle of Gettysburg, near Fairfield, Pa., 7-8-
63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Joined U. S. 3rd
Maryland Cavalry.

Norman, G. W. : Died at General Hospital No. 9, Richmond,
Va., 1864.

Norres, Matt, 4-28-64 — Chambers Co., Ala.: Conscript. Hos-
pitalized frequently. Saw little, if any, active service.

Morris, James A., 8-28-62- — Macon Co. Ala.: Conscript. Trans-
fered from Company F, 2-1-64.

234

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Norton, James, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died in U. S. A. Hospital,
York, Pa., 1-11-64. A good soldier.

O’Brien, James, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Sergeant, 11-25-62.

Wounded at battle of Burgess’ Mill, 10-22-64.

O’Connor, Thomas, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged, 8-5-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg. Died
of pneumonia at Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 8-13-63. A
good soldier.

Pagles, John F., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 2nd Sergeant. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 6-20-62.

Pate, T. W., 8-16-62 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Conscript.

Pate, W. A., 8-17-62 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Conscript. Severely
wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Paroled at
Talladega, Ala., 6-3-65. A good soldier.

Pearson, H. M. : His name appears on a register of Chimborazo
Hospital No. 1, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty, 4-30-62.

Peterson, E. A.: His name appears on a register of C. S. A.
General Hospital, Farmville, Va., 6-62.

Peterson, Jacob, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Pettus, W. T., 5-18-61— Mobile, Ala.: Corporal, 1-26-62. Killed
at battle of Gaines Mill, 6-27-62.

Phealen, A.: His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, 5-6-63.

Philebert (Phillibert) , Oscar, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted
to the enemy.

Phillips, John R., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Name placed on the
Roll of Honor at the battle of Williamsburg, 5-6-62.
Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Powell, Charles, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 2nd Corporal. Deserted
his Company but remained in C. S. service.

Powell, James F., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded at
battle of 2nd Manassas, 8-30-62. Discharged due to his
wounds.

Powers, Mike, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-5-63. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Ra.wson, Edward, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. A good and brave soldier.

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235

Robinson, Charles, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Com-
pany, but remained in C. S. service.

Rodgers, Edward J., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Transfered to Company I.

Rogers, J. E. : A record indicates he received pay in 1862.

Rowland, Robert, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Ryan, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wagoner. Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Sanford, Thad, Jr., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal, 1-62. Killed
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Scanned, Fred, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy.

Scott, Frank, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged.

Shaw, William, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. A good and brave soldier. Surrendered
4-5-65.

Shields, John G., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

Simmons, J. : Captured at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-68.

Smith, George, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of To-
topotomoy Creek, 6-1-64.

Smith, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62. A good and brave soldier.

Smith, T. R.: His name appears on a list of prisoners of war
captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Spears, A. B.: His name appears on a register of deceased Con-
federate soldiers, 9-9-64.

Spears, J. C., 8-28-62 — Dale Co., Ala. : Transfered to Company F.

Steel, Henry, 4-16-64 — Jackson City, Ala.: Conscript. Deserted
to the enemy.

Steel, Jayson, 4-16-64 — Jackson City, Ala.: Conscript. Died of
illness at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond,
Va., 8-3-64.

Stillman, John F., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Sergeant, 3-1-64.
Killed at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Stone, William D., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 12-18-61.

Stone, W. R.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-24-65.

Sutten, J. E.: His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-12-65.

236

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Talleen (Tallon), Joseph B., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at
battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Name placed on the Roll of
Honor. Sergeant, 5-1-63. Killed at battle of Gettysburg,
7-2-63.

Theratt, Hiram: His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-12-65.

Thomasson, M. D., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Wounded at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-
63. Transfered to C. S. Navy at Mobile, Ala.

Truelove, Elijah, 7-2-64 — Sumter Co., Ala.: Conscript. Present
in the late stages of the war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,

4- 9-65.

Tucker, A. W. : His name appears on a record of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-10-65.

Tyson, A. J., 8-28-62 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Conscript. Captured at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison,
Del. Exchanged, 2-18-65.

Vincent, W. H., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. A good and brave soldier.

Vinson, James H., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Deserted 4-65. Took oath of
allegiance to the U. S. A. Transportation furnished to
Philadelphia.

Wakefield, W. R., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Discharged due to being over age.
Webster, Henry, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged.

Welsh, A. J., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Present throughout war.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65. A good and brave
soldier.

White, Daniel, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness,

5- 6-64. A good soldier. Deserted his Company, but remained
in C. S. A. service.

Whitley, John J., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: A good soldier.

Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Captured
during the last week of the war. Paroled at Farmville, Va.,
4-65.

Willingham, William T., 8-28-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

A good soldier. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Wilson, E. J., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Commissary Sergeant.
Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

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237

Winters, Abram, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Detailed as Regimental Wagoner.
Deserted, 2-65.

Womack, N. P., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged, n.d.

Wright, D. D.: Captured at battle of South Mountain during
the 1st Maryland Campaign, 9-14-62. Exchanged 10-6-62.

Wright, Henry, 8-28-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Killed
at battle of Gettysburg. A good soldier.

Wright, Reuben, 8-5-62 — Dale Co., Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died at Fort Delaware Prison, Del.,
9-21-63.

233

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX H

Company “D”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

Tins Company was raised in 1838 as an independent Company
in the Alabama State Militia, Selma, Dallas County, Alabama,
as the “Independent Blues”. On March 2, 1861, it was mustered
into the Army of Alabama for State defense. It was mustered
in C. S. A. service June 9, 1861, for the period of the war.

OFFICERS

Captain James Kent: 5-10-61 to 11-1-61. Resigned.

Captain Robert A. McCrary: 1st Lt., 5-10-61. Captain, 11-8-61.

Killed at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Captain William R. Knox: 1st Sergeant. 2nd Lt., 1-27-62. Cap-
tain, 5-3-63. Wounded at battle of the Petersburg Crater,
7-30-64. Paroled at appomattox C. H. 4-9-65.

1st Lt. Andrew Bogle: 5-10-61 to 11-8-61. Resigned.

1st Lt. J. Crane Shermerhorn: 5-10-61 to 1-27-62. Resigned.
1st Lt. Charles F. Brown: Corporal. 2nd Lt., 11-62. 1st Lt., 9-
19-64. Retired due to physical disability, 2-5-65. Received
Regimental compliment for gallantry at battle of Sharps-
burg.

2nd Lt. Patrick H. Mayes: Corporal. Severely wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Elected 2nd Lt., 5-8-63. Killed at
battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-12-64. Name placed on the
Roll of Honor.

2nd Lt. John H. Robinson: Sergeant. 2nd Lt., 1-27-62. Retired
due to physical disability, 11-1-62.

2nd Lt. David B. Sullivan: 1st Lt., 5-3-63. Detailed to the Con-
script Bureau, 10-23-63. Dropped from the Company roll,
9-19-64.

2nd Lt. Charles B. Woods: Sergeant. 2nd Lt., 1-27-62. Seriously
wounded at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Retired due to
physical disability, 7-8-62.

Enlisted Ranks

Anderson, David L., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Seriously injured,
9-2-63. Retired due to physical disability, 5-17-64. Paroled
at Talladega, Ala., 5-16-65.

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239

Anderson, J. N., 6-1-64 — Talladega, Ala.: Conscript. Deserted
to the enemy, 9-24-64. Took oath of allegiance to the
U. S. A. at City Point, Va., 9-28-64.

Arnold. Isaac, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 11-25-64. Trans-
portation furnished to Philadelphia, Pa.

Aunspaugh, John H., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Promoted to

Quartermaster of the Regiment, 8-63.

Baker, John, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as Commissary
Guard. Promoted to Corporal, 1864. Captured in late weeks
of war. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 5-16-65.
Transportation furnished to New York City.

Becker, Winslow P., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: On Company muster
roll of original Company.

Bell, John G., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Confined at Old Capitol Prison,
Washington, D. C. Released. Detailed to Quartermaster
Dept., Talladega, Ala. Paroled at Talladega, 5-19-65.

Bell, W. Randolph, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Sergeant. Paro'ed at
Talladega, Ala., 6-1-65.

Bill, James A., 5-10-61 — Selma. Ala.: Detailed to C. S. A. armory
at Selma, Ala., 11-62.

Bohlia, George W., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Boley, Marion A., 5-10-61- — Selma, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to DeCamp General
Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Paroled. As.-
signed to C. S. A. munition armory, Selma, Ala. Paroled at
Selma, Ala., 5-29-65.

Bolles, John D., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as Hospital
Steward.

Bosworth, J. Larry, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded and captured at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged; n.d. Detailed to C. S.
Ordnance Dept., Columbus, Ga., 3-29-64.

Boyle, Maurice J., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala. Detailed as Ward Master
in Military hospital.

Brown, John, 8-12-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Captured
at Richmond during last weeks of the war. Paroled at
Point Lookout Prison, Md., 6-65.

Brown, John A., 5-10-61- — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as Hospital
Steward, 5-9-63.

240

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Bundy, John, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Corporal. Wounded 8-11-64
in Petersburg, Va., area. Died as the result of his wound
at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 9-7-64.

Burr, Charles A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: 4th Corporal.

Butler, Sumner E., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as Wagon-
master. Captured at Wilhamsport, Md., 7-6-63, during Con-
federate retreat from the battle of Gettysburg. Took oath
of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Byrd, William M. Jr., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Promoted to Ser-
geant Major of the Regiment, 6-15-61. Promoted and trans-
fered as Asst. Commissary Officer.

Callen, James C., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged 10-2-62. Died. 10-14-63, of
carditis.

Cleveland, Morgan S., 6-12-61 — Selma, Ala.: Quartermaster Ser-
geant 7-61. Promoted to Adjutant of the Regiment 6-28-73.
Wounded at battle of Weldon Railroad, 8-20-64. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Coggins, David C., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Mounted orderly for
Colonel of the Regiment. Captured at battle of Gettysburg.
Sent to Fort Delaware Prison. Died of illness 10-17-63.

Colton, Edward G., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as Hospital
Steward. Surrendered and took oath of allegiance to the
U. S. A., 4-24-65.

Coneley, Louis Alexander, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Transfered to
Colonel Coneley’s Regiment.

Connelly, Randolph, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Died at General Hos-
pital No. 21, Richmond, Va., 5-5-62.

Coville, David A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Croswell, Robert H. Jr.: Transfered to a Mississippi Regiment,

3- 28-62.

Cunningham, G. W., 4-1-62 — Columbus, Ala.: Transfered from
Tennessee Cavalry, 10-3-63.

Curley, W. J.: His name appears on a register of hospital,
Richmond, Va., 5-7-64.

Dalton, A. W. : Killed at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Daughtry, William T., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed to C. S. A.
armory, Selma, Ala., 9-5-63.

Day, Marshall, 10-64: Conscript. Paroled at Aopomattox C. H.,

4- 9-65.

19 7 7

241

Dees, J.: Died of illness at 2nd Alabama Hospital, Richmond,
Va., 6-1-63.

Donaho, William E., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: 5th Sergeant. Mor-
tally wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Name
placed on Roll of Honor.

Dougherty, James N., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Severely wounded
(loss of left leg) at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Retired
1-10-63.

Dovely, John : His name appears on a register of C. S. A. Post
Hospital as returned to duty, 12-17-62.

Drake, Norman B., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed to C. S. A.
armory at Selma, Ala.

Dunlap, G. R., 8-21-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Hos-
pitalized frequently throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox
C.H., 4-9-65.

Edmonds, J. H. : Conscript. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-4-63. Died, 8-28-63, while a prisoner of war at Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del.

Edmondson, William B., 5-25-61 — Richmond, Va.: Color Bearer.

Edwards, R. H., 11-10-62 — Culpepper, Va.: Captured at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died, 8-28-63, while a prisoner of
war at Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Edwards, S. A.: Transfered from 22nd Alabama Regiment,
10-7-63.

Ellis, Edward, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Deserted and captured at
Fairfield, Pa., during retreat from battle of Gettysburg,
7-6-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Took oath of
allegiance to the U. S. A.

Elmore, R. G.: Conscript. Captured as patient in hospital in
Richmond, Va., 4-3-65.

Engar, Charles: Conscript. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-4-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged. 2-
18-65.

Evans, W. Hampton, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as courier
for Surgeon General. Killed in action near Petersburg, Va.,
9-14-64.

Ezell, Joseph W., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Detailed as Courier for General A. P.
Hill. Injured, and detailed to C. S. A. arsenal, Selma, Ala.

Faxon, Henry Jr., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Corporal. Captured at
Falling Waters, Md., 7-14-63. Sent to Old Capitol Prison,

242

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Washington, D. C. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.,
12-7-63.

Fitzgerald, James, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala. : Wounded .and captured
at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to DeCamp General Hospital,
David’s Island, New York Harbor. Apparently given
wounded parole for' his name appears on a register of
Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 6-64.
Paroled at Selma, Ala., 5-29-65.

Foster, J. A., 9-12-62 — Campt Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Foster, Samuel N., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Sergeant. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to
DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Har-
bor. Released on wounded parole. Detailed to C. S. A.
arsenal, Selma, Ala. Paroled at Selma, 6-65.

Gardner, Thomas G., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Transfered to 4th
Alabama Battalion, 2-8-62.

Garrett, William A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Died of illness 7-
-28-61.

Coggins, D. C., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala. : Missing at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-3-63.

Goodwin, J. R.: Mortally wounded in skirmish in Petersburg,
Va., area, 9-13-64.

Granger, Luther B., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Mortally wounded
at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Died 7-23-62.

Granger, William H., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Record of frequent
hospitalizations. Discharged 3-4-63.

Griffin, James A., 8-20-62 — Tallapoosa, Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md.,
10-26-63. Paroled 2-18-65.

Griffin, Samuel T., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present with Com-
pany through August 1861.

Guinn, Green A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Died at Point Lookout Prison, Md., about 8-10-64.

Guntry, S. C.: Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-2-63. Treated at hospitals in and about Gettysburg, Pa.

Hadeler, Adolphus T., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-3-62.

Haden, Joel, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present with Company
through August 1861.

19 7 7

243

Hall, B. F. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing for
the 3rd quarter of 1863.

Hall, J. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s Grove
General Hospital, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty 10-
11-64.

Handley, H. H., 8-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Reported
missing 6-23-64.

Handley, J. E.: Severely wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Apparently released to Confederates
for treatment. Died in Richmond hospital following the
amputation of his right arm.

Harp, Angus, 9-3-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Treated at U. S.
Army General Hospital, Baltimore, Md. Transfered to a
Richmond hospital as wounded parolee. Leg amputated 11-
18-63.

Harp, Joseph, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: His name appears on an
early undated muster roll. May have been detailed else-
where as Joiner.

Harrington, S. : His name appears on a register of the 1st Mis-
sissippi C. S. A. Hospital, Jackson, Miss., 8-3-64.

Harris, Robert T., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Sergeant. Wounded at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-72. Captured near Frederick, Md., 10-7-62.
Paroled about 11-29-62 from Fort McHenry, Md.

Harrison, Benjamin C., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Discharged at
Bethel, Va., 12-7-61.

Hattery, T. J.: Conscript. His name appears on an admission
record of U. S. A. General Hospital, Baltimore, Md., as
paroled.

Hickman, J. H., 8-1-61 — Yorktown, Va.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged 8-5-62. Detailed as nurse in Confederate Hos-
pitals in and about Richmond, Va. Paroled at Richmond,
5-1-65.

Holton, Horace W., 5-10-61 — ; Selma, Ala.: 1st Sergeant. Died
4-5-62 from wounds received while on picket duty.

Houghs, J. H.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-22-65.

Huffman, James K., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

244

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Hull, Benjamin F., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Corporal. Detailed to
Quartermaster Corps. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Ireland, W. W., 3-12-62: Transfered from 28th Alabama Regi-
ment, 10-63.

Izell, J. W., 8-1-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

Jones, Daniel, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Appointed Assistant Quartermaster,
9th Alabama Infantry, 5-14-63. Present at Siege of York-
town, and battles of Seven Pines and Salem Church.

Jones, T. C., 8-8-62 — Macon, Ala.: Conscript.

Kelley, J. S.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-20-65.

Kirkland, W. R., 9-3-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: His name appears
on a Company muster roll, 9-3-63.

Kirkpatrick, James M., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Died of illness in
Richmond hospital, 6-22-62.

Kitchen, R. A., 2-1-62 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered from 22nd
Alabama Regiment, 10-7-63.

Kohn, Frederick M., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 7-18-61.

Lapsley, Robert O., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Quartermaster. Dis-
charged 8-1-62.

Leary, J.: Conscript. Detailed as Hospital Steward to General
Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 8-23-64.

Leroy, Joseph, 3-9-63 — Fredericksburg, Va. : Conscript. Wounded
near Darbytown, Va., and leg amputated 8-16-64. Retired
12-12-64.

Lester, J. R., 9-15-61 — Montgomery, Ala.: Transfered from
22nd Alabama Regiment, 10-7-63.

Linebaugh, William, 5-23-61 — Montgomery, Ala.: Color Guard.
Mortally wounded at battle of Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62.

Locke, D. W. L., 9-3-62- — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Died
of illness at General Hospital No. 2, Lynchburg, Va., 5-22-
64.

Lockridge, R. G. : His name appears on a receipt roll for cloth-
ing for the 4th quarter of 1864. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Lundie, Benjamin M., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Assigned as Pro-
vost Guard.

Mack, Otto: Discharged due to physical disability, 2-19-62.

Malone, A.(J) C. : Conscript. Mortally wounded at battle of the
Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64.

19 7 7

245

Maples, William S., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present with original
Company.

Martin, Joshua L., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Discharged due to physical dis-
ability, 8-2-62.

Mays, C. H.: Present with original Company.

McCurdy, Lucius, 5-20-61 — Marion, Ala.: Sergeant 1863.

Wounded at skirmish at St. James College, Hagerstown,
Md., 7-12-63, during retreat from battle of Gettysburg.
Name placed on Roll of Honor. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Marritt, J. G., 8-26-62 — Marion, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Released 6-14-65.

Miller, Charles P., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present with original
Company.

Moore, Isaac Tate, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Sent to Fort Monroe, Va.
Apparently given wounded parole. Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 10-15-62.

Morris, F. R., 8-15-62 — Macon Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died of ill-
ness in Richmond hospital, 6-63.

Morris, J. A. J., 12-23-63 — Montgomery, Ala. : Conscript.

Deserted to the enemy. Took oath of allegiance to the
U. S A., 10-23-64.

Morris, M. W., 9-11-62 — Marble Valley, Ala.: Died of illness at
Gordonsville, Va., 5-17-64.

Morris, Zachariah S., 9-2-63 — Marble Valley, Ala.: Conscript.
Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged 7-31-63. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-12-64. Again sent
to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Later transfered to Elmira
Prison, N. Y.

Neil, C., 6-64 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Record of hos-
pitalization at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond,
Va., 9-21-64.

Norris, Thomas P., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Sent to Fort Mon-
roe, Va. Subsequently died as the result of his wound.

Page, Norborne, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Corporal. Promoted to
1st Sergeant, n.d. May have been promoted to 2nd Lt., of
1st Alabama Artillery Battalion.

246

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Penn, E. L., 1-2-63 — Fredericksburg, Va.: Conscript. Discharged
due to physical disability, 12-15-64.

Pittman, G. P.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 4th quarter of 1864. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Porter, Thomas W. D., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged 8-5-62.

Powell, William H., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Killed at the battle
of Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Read, W. J.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
during 4th quarter of 1864.

Reeves, William L.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners
of war captured in Alabama, 4-65.

Reid, W. J., 5-6-64 — Camp Watts, Ala.: His name appears on
Company muster roll for September and October, 1864.

Reynolds, James M., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 8-62.

Riketson, Oliver R., 3-2-62 — York Co., Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Released 6-14-65.

Rickland, W. R., 9-3-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Died of illness 1-64.

Roach, Milton A., 5-23-61 — Selma, Ala.: Discharged 7-12-61 to
accept a promotion.

Robbins, Julius A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Appointed Assistant
Quartermaster of the Regiment 6-12-61. Resigned 9-30-63.

Robinson, A. M. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of
war paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-24-65.

Rowe, George T. : His name appears on a register of claims by
family of deceased soldiers.

Salmonds, B. B.: His name appears on a register of claims by
family of deceased soldiers.

Satterfield, James R., 2-18-63 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 4-2-63.

Seligsburg, Abraham, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Seriously wounded
and captured at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Given
wounded parole from Fort Monroe, Va., 8-3-62. Discharged
due to disability caused by his wounds, 11-18-62.

Senebaugh, W. H. : Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Shortridge, Eli, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Corporal. Mortally

wounded at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Died at Mill

19 7 7

247

Creek U. S. A. Hospital, near Fort Monroe, Va., 6-29-62.
Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

Sides, W. R.: Transfered from 22nd Alabama Regiment, 5-3-63.

Simmons, A., 8-20-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Smith, Andrew J., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Died in a Richmond
hospital, 5-62.

Smith, J. M., 9-4-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: His name appears on
a register of Camp Winder General Hospital, 9-4-62, 10-24-
62, and 1-15-63.

Sommerville, Walter Jr., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as
Medical Assistant at Bigelow Hospital, Richmond, Va.

Spence, D. A.: His name appears on a register of Howard’s
Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va. n.d.

Sterne, Joseph, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Deserted while a patient
in hospital.

Stevens, J. H.: Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.
Transfered as Teamster to Regiment’s Ordnance.

Strange, R. M. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-22-65.

Stubbs, James A.: His name appears on a receipt roll for cloth-
ing for 4th quarter of 1864, and again appears on a register
of the Federal Provost Marshall’s Office, 4th District,
Richmond, Va., near end of war.

Sullivan, Dennis, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present with original
Company.

Sweeny, William H., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Assigned as Ward Master in a
Mobile, Ala,, hospital.

Swindle, E. D.: A record indicates he was on duty with the
Company in December, 1863, as transfered from 56th Ala-
bama Regiment.

Taylor, F. G.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 4th quarter of 1864.

Taylor, J. A., 8-62 — Walker, Ala.: Transfered from 56th Ala-
bama Regiment, 10-7-63.

Taylor, S. P., 11-22-63 — Jasper, Ala.: Conscript. Captured at
battle of Hanover Junction, 5-24-64. Sent to Elmira Prison,
N. Y., where he died of illness, 8-20-64.

Taylor, Thomas G., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present throughout
war. Captured near Farmville, Va., 4-6-65.

248

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Tliomas, Bruce P., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded in both legs
at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Thompson, John E.: Died of illness at General Hospital No. 2,
Lynchburg, Va., 11-17-62.

Tilton, Joshua A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Discharged due to the disability
caused by his wounds.

Underwood, Sylvanus G., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Promoted to Sergeant, 1863.
Discharged by furnishing substitute, 3-9-63.

Walker, Jenk R., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed as Carpenter
in Quartermaster Corps, 8-61.

Wallis, J. W., 8-20-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Present
with Company until end of war. Paroled at Talladega, Ala.,

6- 20-65.

Webster, Robert E., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Detailed to build
houses for staff.

West, James, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Discharged due to physical
disability, 8-61.

W'hatley, Thomas, 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Corporal. Wounded
and captured during retreat from battle of Gettysburg,

7- 14-63. Left leg amputated. Given wounded parole. Dis-
charged 2-11-64.

Whelen (Wheelen), John P., 5-10-61— -Selma, Ala.: Wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged due to physical
disability caused by his wounds. Name placed on Roll of
Honor.

White, Garland A., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 1861.

Williams, W. R., 8-21-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Williamson, J. M. : His name appears on a list of prisoners of
war captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Wise, Frank F., 5-10-61 — Selma, Ala.: Present throughout war.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Wood, J. B.: Transfered from 2nd Tennessee Cavalry, 10-7-63.

Wright, J. B.: Conscript. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 7-7-63. Paroled
at Point Lookout Prison, Md., 2-18-65.

Zell, E.: His name appears on a weekly report in the Hospital
Department, Selma, Ala., for extension of furlough, 1-8-63.

19 7 7

249

APPENDIX I

Company “E”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company was raised on May 8, 1861, at Mobile, Mobile

County, Alabama, as the “Hamp Smith Rifles” and was mus-
tered in C. S. A. service on June 9, 1861.

OFFICERS

Captain William T. Smith: 5-6-61 to 10-20-61. Resigned.

Captain Crawford Blackwood: 1st Lt., 5-6-61. Captain, 12-27-
61. Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Resigned
on Surgeon’s Certificate, 9-30-62.

Captain A. H. Ravesies: 2nd Lt., 5-6-61. 1st Lt., 12-28-62.
Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Captain, 9-30-62.
Retired 9-17-64.

1st Lt., Eugene Brooks: 2nd Lt., 5-6-61. Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 1st Lt., 9-30-62. Wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Retired 11-15-64.

1st Lt. William R. Sterling: 2nd Sergeant, 5-6-61. Jr. 2nd Lt.,
1-62. 2nd Lt., 10-62. 1st Lt., 11-15-62. Captured at battle
of Gettysburg. Sent to Point Lookout Prison, Md. Later
transfered to Fort Delaware Prison, Del., and then Johnson’s
Island Prison, Ohio. It can be safely assumed that he was
released or exchanged, since he is credited with compiling
a roster of the Company 12-31-64. Mentioned as con-
spicuous for gallantry at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

2nd Lt. William A. Ryan: Private, 5-6-61. Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Promoted to 2nd Lt., for gallantry,
5-3-63. Name placed on Roll of Honor. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to Point Lookout Prison,
Md. Later transfered to Fort McHenry Prison, then Fort
Delaware Prison, then Johnson’s Island Prison, Ohio.

2nd Lt. Francis J. Jones: Private, 5-6-61. Name placed on Roll
of Honor 2nd Lt., 1-16-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Enlisted Ranks

Aarens, A. H., 5-6-64 — Wetumpka, Ala.: Conscript. Discharged
due to physical disability, 1-25-65.

250

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Adams, Robert, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63. Wounded at battle of Spotsylvania C. H.,
5-14-64. Deserted to the enemy, 8-64. Took oath of al-
legiance to the U. S. A. Transportation furnished to New
York City.

Adams, Thomas, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company,
but remained in the service of the C. S. A.

Allen, Benjamin S., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S.
Navy, 2-10-62.

Ard, James, 8-29-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Died of
pneumonia, 2-10-63.

Armstrong, William C., 8-16-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Severely wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Died
at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 11-
9-64.

Arons, Henry: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 4th quarter of 1864.

Baldwin, James W., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 3rd Sergeant.

Deserted his Company, but remained in C. S. A. service.

Baldwin, William J., 8-27-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Bartlett, E. H., 8-30-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died while a prisoner
of war at Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Bice, James, 9-14-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Bice, James M., 8-21-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.,
7-6-63. Released, 6-7-65.

Bice, John T., 12-1-61 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Transfered from Com-
pany B, 6th Alabama Infantry. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort McHenry Prison, Md., 7-
4-63. Transfered to Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 7-12-63.
Released from Point Lookout Prison, 6-14-65.

Bice, William J., 8-28-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded at
battle of Bristow Station, 10-14-63. Detailed to Brigade
Hospital. Captured near Burkeville, Va., 4-6-65. Sent to
Point Lookout Prison, Md. Released, 6-9-65.

Blackman, Jonah, 5-10-64 — Coosa Co., Ala.: Conscript.

19 7 7

251

Bosworth, M. F., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Is supposed to have joined C. S. A. Cavalry, Army of
Tennessee.

Bouchelle, Joseph A., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 6-15-61.

Bousson, David, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Is supposed to have joined a cavalry unit in C. S. Army.

Bowden, John W., 8-27-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

Detailed at Wagoner.

Bracken, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of wounds received
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Brinson, Hiram H., 7-14-64 — Mobile, Ala.: Conscript. Captured
n.d. Released from Libby Prison, Richmond, n.d.

Brooks, Anderson B., 4-11-64 — Talladega, Ala.: Conscript. Died
of illness, 12-24-65, at Howard’s Grove General Hospital,
Richmond, Va.

Brown, David, 8-28-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
at Petersburg, 6-22-64.

Brown, Henry C., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Remained in the service of C. S. A.

Brown, Stephen, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Remained in the service of C. S. A.

Bryan, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Deserted his Company. Remained in
the service of C. S. A.

Burnett, William A., 8-7-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Captured at
battle of Gettysburg.

Bynam, Robert, 6-3-64 — Conscript. Transfered to Harris’ Mis-
sissippi Brigade.

Cain, J. Berry, 8-22-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
at skirmish of Mine Run, 10-30-63. Wounded at battle of
Bristoe Station, 10-14-63.

Cameron, James, His name appears on a receipt roll for cloth-
ing for the 3rd quarter of 1864.

Cameron, William, 8-27-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Sick throughout
most of war.

Canavan, Patrick, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Detached as Wagonmaster
for remainder of the war.

Cannon, William J., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Com-
pany. Remained in the service of C. S. A.

252

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Cattleton, William: His name appears on a register of Seminary
Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., as returned to duty, 12-17-61.

Cavanaugh, William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Com-
pany to join C. S. Navy.

Cenen, P. C.: His name appears on a record of prisoners of war
paroled at Richmond, Va., 4-7-65.

Clement, Joseph, 6-3-64 — Gaines’ Mill, Va.: Conscript. Received
sick furlough and failed to return.

Coffee, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to phys-
ical disability.

Colburn, George W., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 4th Corporal.

Deserted his Company. Joined the 51st Alabama Regiment
of Cavalry, Army of Tennessee.

Coleman, W. J., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness, 9-20-62.

Cooper, John H., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 4th Sergeant. Deserted
his Company. Remained in the service of C. S. A.

Costello, Joseph, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Cox, T. : Assigned to the Commissary Department, Camp Lee,
Va.

Crooks, Samuel B., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted; caught
while attempting to go North, and drummed out of the
service.

Cutts, James M., 8-30-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged 7-31-63. Killed at battle of
Hanover Junction, 5-24-64.

Daley, Robert T., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 2nd Corporal. 1st Ser-
geant 1-20-63. Captured at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-
64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y. Paroled or exchanged,
3-14-65.

Deaton, John H., 1-18-62 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal. Promoted to
Sergeant n.d. Name placed on Roll of Honor following battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Wounded at battle of Gettysburg.
Captured during retreat from battle near Cashtown, Pa.
Subsequently took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

DeHaven, Robert, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal. Killed at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Devaney, William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 3rd Corporal. Killed at
battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

19 7 7

253

Diamond, Edward : His name appears on a record of reenlist-
ment, 7-7-62.

Diamond, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Cold Harbor,
6-64.

Donelly (Doneley), John: Deserted his Company. Returned to
duty. Died of illness, 7-20-63, near Gettysburg, Pa.

Doty, Joseph W., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 7-12-61. Reenlisted, but again discharged
due to chronic rheumatism, 5-3-62.

Drayman, J. : His name appears on a register of Stuart Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va., 6-64.

Durden, John W., 10-31-64 — Greenville, Ala.: Conscript.

Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Dyers, Thomas, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Remained in the service of C. S. A.

Eddins, (Eddens), Joseph, 9-10-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Con-
script. Died of illness, 2-18-63.

Ellis, J. S.: Captured in hospital at end of war, 4-3-65.

Embry, David, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Drummed out of service
for desertion.

Engle, Charles: Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Estes, W. : Conscript. His name appears on a register of Way
Hospital, Meridian, Miss., 2-3-65.

Fagan, William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63.

Fahy, John, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded at battle of
2nd Manassas, 8-30-62. Deserted to the enemy, 5-21-63.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Finley, Edgar S., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to the Mis-
sissippi Legion, 6-9-61.

Fitzgerald, Michael, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Fitzpatrick, Bernard, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Com-
pany. Subsequently died in Lynchburg, Va.

Frazer, J. F. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Demopolis, Ala., 6-21-65.

Fulmer, Calvin G., Conscript. Severely wounded at battle of
Totopotomoy Creek, 6-1-64. Never returned to active duty.
Paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-65.

254

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Gaines, H. F., 9-6-64 — Macon Co., Ala.: Conscript. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Gallagher, Charles, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to the
C. S. Navy, 2-12-62.

Gates, Joseph, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness, 4-25-62.

Gay, Thomas B., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison. Died
at Point Lookout Prison Hospital, Md., 12-63.

Goldsby, Jackson, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to DeCamp
General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor.
Exchanged n.d. Captured at battle of Spotsylvania C. H.,
5-12-64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y. Exchanged 2-10-65.

Gray, B. B.: Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Haas, Augustus A., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg. Hospitalized for treatment at General Hospital,
Staunton, Va. Retired due to physical disability.

Haley, Timothy, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Remained in C. S. A. service.

Hark, A. A.: His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as admitted wounded 10-16-63.
Furloughed home the next day.

Hart, John, 12-3-63 — Montgomery, Ala.: Conscript, Captured
near Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64.

Hayes, Albert, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy.

Hayes, Timothy, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal. Name placed
on Roll of Honor n.d. Afterwards deserted to the enemy.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 9-9-64.

Hincher (Heucher), William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to
the enemy, n.d.

Hicks, Joseph, 8-28-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died of
pneumonia, 2-5-63, at 2nd Alabama Hospital, Richmond,
Va.

Hoey, Michael, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Deserted before battle of Sharps-
burg.

Hood, James, 5-6-61— Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his Company.
Joined the C. S. Navy.

Howard, John, 3-22-64 — Mobile, Ala.: Conscript. Discharged
due to physical disability.

19 7 7

255

Hughes, Patrick, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transferee! to the C. S.
Navy, 2-12-62.

Hurst, Thomas J., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Johnson, John J., 8-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Killed at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

Judah, Henry C., 8-15-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Killed
at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-18-64.

Juzand, Pierre, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Released from Fort Delaware Prison,
Del., 6-14-65.

Kelly, Daniel H,, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Detailed as Nurse at Staunton, Va.,
hospital.

Kelly, Richard, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Kennedy, William, 10-14-64 — Macon Co., Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at Chester Station, Va., 4-3-65. Released, 6-16-65.

King, Frank, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of Gaines'
Mill, 6-27-62. Died of illness at Stuart Hospital, Richmond,
Va., 7-8-64.

Kirkland, Abram, 8-12-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died of illness while
a prisoner of war at Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Kirkland, John S., 8-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Hos-
pitalized frequently in Richmond hospitals. Paroled at Ap-
pomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Lacuntiguey, Victor, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted at battle of
Williamsburg, 5-5-62.

Lampson, E.: Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63.
Exchanged from Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 8-13-63.

Lawler, William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S.
Navy, 2-12-62.

Lemblom (Lemblau), A. William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Trans-
fered to C. S. Navy, 2-12-62.

Love, William H., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Spotsylvania C. H., 5-12-64. Exchanged, 11-1-64, from Point
Lookout Prison, Md.

Marnell, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded at battle
of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Martin, Patrick, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered to C. S. Navy,
2-12-62.

256

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Martin, William D., 9-16-62 — Camp Waits, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Paroled at Ap-
pomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

McCloskey, Peter, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 10-20-61.

McCudden, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Died, 9-13-62, as the result of his
wounds.

McKnight, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

McMeeken, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Mercer, J., 5-25-64 — Henry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Merriam (Marion), James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to
C. S. Navy, 2-12-62.

Mooney, John, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Deserted soon after arrival
of Company in Richmond, Va.

Moore, Edward, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 5th Sergeant, Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hospital,
David’s Island, New York Harbor. Exchanged or given
wounded parole. Retired due to physical disability, 7-24-64.

Moore, James M., 8-12-62 — Camp Watts, Ala:. Conscript.
Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Deserted at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

Morris, J.: His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as admitted as patient,
2-25-63.

O’Neal (O’Neil), Jessie 0., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to
the enemy. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

O’Neal (O’Neil), John, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

O’Neal (O’Neil), Thomas, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at siege
of Yorktown, 4-62.

Padgett, Lucas, 9*15-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Bristoe Station, 10-14-63. Severely wounded at
battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-12-64.

Page, James W., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged 8-10-61.

Perkins, John, 8-6-64 — Barbour Co., Ala.: Conscript. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

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257

Phillips, Benjamin H., 9-15-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala., Conscript.
Killed, possibly at battle of Gettysburg.

Prim, James H., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted at Yorktown,
Va. Man was in jail on charge of attempted murder and
broke jaii.

Reed, H. J., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted 3-65. Took oath of
allegiance to the U. S. A.

Reid, James, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62.

Rice, W. J. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as wounded and furloughed,
10-31-63.

Richards, Peter, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy,
8-64. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Rodriguez, Philip, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Retired, 6-3-64.

Rosson, George L., 8-18-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.
Treated at Camp Letterman General Hospital, Gettysburg,
Pa. Apparently exchanged or given wounded parole. Died
of illness at General Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 4-17-64.

Rudd, Charles: Detached. No other information.

Ryan, Thomas S., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Ryan, Timothy: Died at General Hospital, Staunton, Va., 10-
29-62.

Shadix, Benjamin H., 9-14-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Paroled 7-30-63.

Sharp, Peter W., 9-12-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Substitute B Dis-
charged due to old age, 2-6-64.

Skehan, Edward, 5-6-61— Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Captured during the last days of the
war. Transportation furnished to New York City.

Skipper, Angus, 8-18-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Discharged due to the seriousness
of his wounds.

Smith, A.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners* of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-25-65.

Smith, Peter, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of typhoid fever, 12-
19-62.

258

ALABAMA" HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Snow, John A., 5-6-61— Mobile, Ala,: 1st Corporal. Deserted his
Company to join the cavalry service of C. S. A.

Spradlin, Frank M., 8-12-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded at battle of Bristoe Station, 10-14-63. Wounded
at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Stanton, Jacob, 5-8-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. May have been retired early in 1865.

Strange, R. R. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-25-65.

Strickland, James R., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Deserted at battle of the Wilder-
ness, 5-6-64.

Strickland, J. S. : His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as admitted to Chim-
borazo Hospital No. 5, 12-2-62.

Summersell, John W.: Chronically ill. Hospitalized for a long
time. Paroled at Farmville, Va., 4-18-65.

Talbot, William T., 8-20-62 — Montgomery, Ala.: Conscript.
Absent, sick, from Company much of the time. Captured
at a Richmond hospital at end of war. Paroled at Richmond,
Va., 5-18-65.

Taylor, William S., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 1st Sergeant. Detached
as-Telegraph operator to Secretary of War, UF21-6T: =

Teller, Joshua G., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed in battle, n.d. n.p.

Todd, John, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Tompkins, Charles C., 9-30-64 — Barbour Co., Ala.: Conscript.
Received in Company 11-64.

Troutman, W. A. : His name appears on a register for pay, 3-64.

Tulbird, W. F. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 4th quarter of 1864.

Unger, Solomon, 3-24-63 — Fredericksburg, Va. : Conscript.

Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded at
battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Never in action again.

Van Meter, Isaac, 5-8-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 1st Sergeant. Killed at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Vice, J. R. Jr.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Demopolis, Ala., 6-23-65.

Wadkins, Robert 0., 8-9-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Absent, sick, through most of war.

Ward, John J., 8-9-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Released from Fort Delaware Prison,

19 7 7

259

Del., 6-14-65.

Ward, Robert J., 7-2-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of White Oak Swamp Bridge, Va., 6-13-64. Retired due to
disability. Paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-65.

Warnicker (Wanicker), William, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Regi-
mental Drummer throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Warren, J. N. : Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent
to Point Lookout Prison, Md. Exchanged 2-18-65.

Weeks, John W., 8-22-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Trans-
fered to Company A. Later deserted to the enemy.

Wells, P. Vally, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Westron, George H., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 9-61.

White, William W. M., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Westron, George H., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 9-61.

White, William W. M., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Williams, J. W. : His name appears on a register of General
Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 4-15-64.

Williams, Peter, 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S. Navy,
2-10-62.

Wood, Henry C., 8-9-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to
DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Har-
bor. Paroled 8-24-63.

Wood, Hugh A., 8-29-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md. Ex-
changed 11-1-64.

Wright, Albert E., 5-6-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A. and released 6-15-65.

Wyncoop, J. W. : Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63.
Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 2-18-65.

Young, Wallace W., 4-1-62— Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Took oath of al-
legiance to the U. S. A. and joined U. S. 3rd Maryland
Cavalry.

260

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX J

Company “F”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company was raised in 1831 as an independent company,
the “Greenville Guards”, of the Alabama State Militia in Green-
ville, Butler County, Alabama. In late January, 1861, it was
mustered into the Army of Alabama and served at Pensacola,
Florida. Upon returning to Greenville it was reorganized May
21, 1861. It was mustered in C. S. A. service on June 9, 1861.

OFFICERS

Colonel Hilary A. Herbert: Captain, 5-21-61. Promoted to Major
of the Regiment, 5-5-62. Captured at battle of Seven Pines,
6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged,
8-5-62. Promoted to Lt. Col. of the Regiment. Received
Regimental compliment for gallantry at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63. Acting Colonel, 5-3-63. Commended for his
zeal in action at battle of Gettysburg. Seriously wounded
at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Promoted to Colonel
and retired. 11-2-64.

Captain Lewis A. Livingston: 1st Lt., 5-21-61. Captain, 5-5-62.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63.
Died as the result of his wounds at Camp Letterman U. S. A.
Hospital, Gettysburg, Pa., 9-27-63.

Captain Ira W. Stott: 2nd Lt., 5-21-61. 1st Lt., 5-5-62. Wounded
at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Captain, 9-28-63.
Retired, 10-19-64, due to physical disability caused by his
wounds. Paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 6-9-65.

Captain George Hatch: Private, 5-21-61. Received Regimental
compliment for gallantry at battle of Sharpsburg, 8-17-62,
and promoted to 2nd Lt., 9-27-62. Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Apparently paroled or
exchanged. Captain, 10-19-64. Captured again (place not
known). Ordered to Point Lookout Prison, Md., 3-14-65.
2nd Lt. David McKee: 5-21-61 to 3-6-62. Resigned to form
another Company in Alabama.

2nd Lt. W. H. A. Lane: 1st Sergeant, 5-21-61. 2nd Lt., 4-22-62.

Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

2nd Lt., Thomas A. Kelley: Private, 5-21-61. 2nd Lt., 5-5-62.
Name placed on the Roll of Honor at battle of Salem

19 7 7

261

Church, 5-3-63. He was either captured or surrendered
during the last month of the war. Took oath of allegiance
to the U. S. A., 4-8-65. Transportation furnished to Phila-
delphia, Pa.

2nd Lt. D. B. Thornton: Private, 5-21-61. Severely wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 2nd Lt., 1-15-63. Killed
on Enemy’s Left Flank, Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64.

2nd Lt. J. G. Parsons: Private, 5-21-61. Sergeant, 1863. 2nd
Lt., 9-7-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Enlisted Ranks

Anderson, Ezekial, 8-22-62 — Dale Co., Ala.: Conscript. Captured
in engagement at High Bridge, Appomattox River, Va.,
4-6-65. Paroled at Point Lookout Prison, Md., 6-9-65.

Andrews, J. F., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness 7-22-61.

Andrews, G. D.: His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty 1-
2-63.

Baldwin, James A., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Detailed as Car-
penter. No other information.

Barefield, Charles, 10-11-62 — Macon Co. Ala.: Conscript. Killed
at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64.

Barnett, W. F., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Williamsburg, Va., 5-5-62.

Bayzer, T. W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness at Bap-
tist Church Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., 3-13-62.

Benbow, Adam J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Bozeman, C., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Brogan, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Buell, David, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Quartermaster. Pro-
moted to Ordnance Sergeant of Regiment 11-8-62. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Bussey, D. J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: 4th Sergeant. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 9-5-61.

Carr, H. C.: Captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-15-65.

Chavers, G. W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Deserted to the
enemy, n.d.

Coleman, J. R., 6-8-63 — Talladega, Ala.: Conscript. With Com-
pany through 1864.

262

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Cook, W. J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 10-5-63.

Cox, Robert: Detached 8-31-62.

Crawford, J. J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 9-31-61.

Croft, Edward D., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala. : Discharged due

to physical disability, 9-3-61.

Crowder, H. A., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala. : His name appears on
an early roster of the Company after its reorganization.

Crowder, T. G., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: His name appears on
an early roster of the Company after its reorganization.

Curb, A. C.: Captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Danavan, J. T. : Died of illness at 2nd Alabama Hospital, Rich-
mond, Va., 12-21-62.

Davis, W, S., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Detailed to duty as
Carpenter, 9-13-61.

Dee, G. W.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing for
the 4th quarter of 1864.

Demins, M. : His name appears on a register of Chimborazo
Hospital No. 4, as transfered to Howard’s Grove Hospital,
Richmond, Va., 8-8-63.

Dixon, Abraham (Abram), 8-8-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala.: Con-
script. Present throughout remainder of the war.

Doswell, F., 8-29-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Severely
wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Dunn, H., 5-20-62 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Died of illness, 12-6-62.

Dunn, Martin, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala. : Discharged due to
physical disability, 10-1-63.

Dunn, John W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64. Detailed as Nurse in
hospital. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Earnest, J. S., 8-1-62 — Greenville, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.
Released 6-7-65.

Garner, W. L., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Corporal. Wounded
sometimes in 1864. Captured at Farmville, Va., 4-6-65.

Gallaway, G. W.: Wounded and captured at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-3-63.

Gambell, S.: His name appears on a register of General Hos-

19 7 7

263

pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as transfered to Howard’s Grove
Hospital, 7-10-64.

Garner, R. H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged due to physical disability,
9-28-62.

Glancy, J. R. : Sergeant. His name appears on a list of paroled
prisoners of war at Farmville, Va., 4-21-65.

Gentry, R. H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Retired due to physical disability,
9-20-63.

Gore, C. A., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to U. S. Convalescent
Hospital, Fort Wood, Bedloe Island, New York Harbor.
Paroled at Point Lookout Prison, Md. n.d. Retired 9-26-64.

Gore, William J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness,
5-16-62.

Hall, George W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Teamster. Died of
illness, 5-10-62.

Hatch, F. : Sergeant. May not have proceeded to Richmond with
Company.

Hawkins, Thomas: His name appears on a register of General
Hospital, No. 9, Richmond, Va., as transfered to Camp
Winder Hospital, 5-8-63.

Haynes, William J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Captured at
battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-11-64. Joined U. S. service.

Headley, J. M., 3-31-62 — Troy, Ala.: Conscript. Transfered from
Company G, 6th Alabama Regiment. Deserted to the enemy
9-64. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Henderson, O. S., 8-8-62 — Wilcox Co., Ala. : Conscript. Ill fre-
quently in Richmond hospitals.

Hester, Samuel D., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness
at Yorktown, Va., 11-8-61.

Holly, William B.: His name appears on a report of 2nd Ala-
bama Hospital, Richmond, Va., as dying on 12-21-62.

Holyday, D. G. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of
war captured in and about Confederate hospitals in Rich-
mond. Va., 4-3-65. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.,
7-31-65.

Howard, William H.. 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Chronically ill.

264

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Dropped from the roll of the Company. Subsequently died,
n.d.

Ingram (Ingraham), J. L., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died of illness
while prisoner of war at Fort Delaware, Del., 1-22-64.

Johnson, H. V., 5-20-61— Greenville, Ala.: Severely wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Jones, A.: Transfered to Company F, 10-8-63. Sent off sick at
Bristoe Station, 10-15-63. Returned to duty 2-19-64.

Jones, B. M., 11-11-62— Macon, Ala.: Conscript. Chronically ill.
Dropped from the roll of the Company. Died of illness
5-16-63.

Kelly, Henry H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Gettysburg,
7-2-63.

Kelly, Nathaniel G., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died 6-62. No
other information.

Kelly, T., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Armorer.

K ; ng, J. T., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Hospitalized 5-12-62. No
additional information.

Land, John D., 8-6-62 — Tallapoosa, Ala.: Conscript. Captured
at engagement at High Bridge, Appomattox River, Va.,
4-6-65. Released, 6-6-65, from Point Lookout Prison, Md.

Lane, R. W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness at Gen-
eral Hospital, Greenville, Ala., 11-6-62.

Lang, T. G., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Williamsburg, Va., 5-5-62. Paroled and discharged as in-
firm, 6-2-63.

Lee, George W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: 4th Corporal

Wounded at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Name placed on
Roll of Honor. Killed at battle of the Petersburg Crater,
7-30-64.

Lee, Joseph M., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Hospitalized with
pneumonia at C. S. A. General Hospital, Danville, Va.,
9-9-62.

Livingston, A.: His name appears on a register of approved
furloughs of the Medical Director’s Office, Richmond, Va.,
11-29-62.

Loftis, J. M. (F.), 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Discharged, 2-6-
62, apparently due to chronic illness.

19 7 7

265

Long, John C.: His name appears on a register of killed or
wounded.

McCaskill, W. C., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: 3rd Sergeant. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 4-18-62.

McCoo), John, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 12-4-61.

McDonald (McDaniel), James P., 8-8-62 — Pike Co., Ala.: Con-
script. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-
63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged 11-1-64.

McFay, John, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Discharged due to phys-
ical disability, 12-4-61.

McFarland, John: Captured near Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

McGavin, Frank: His name appears on a register of Seminary
Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., 12-12-61.

McLendon, J. J., 8-8-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Hos-
pitalized frequently. Saw little active service except guard
duty. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Mighen, M., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala. : Present with original
Company. May not have gone to Richmond.

Miller, G., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Present with original
Company 7-62.

Mills, L., 8-30-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Paroled at Ap-
pomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Milner, E. L., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-5-63, while detailed as Hospital Steward to
care for Confederate wounded. Exchanged 2-18-65.

Milner, J. B., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: 1st Corporal. Wounded
at battle of Frazier's Farm, 6-30-62. Name placed on Roll
of Honor. Wounded near Petersburg, Va., 10-11-64. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Mims, W. W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala. : Discharged due to
physical disability, 1-23-62.

Moore, J. F., 8-11-62 — Macon Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Paroled at Point Lookout Prison, Md.,
2-18-65.

Morris, L. A.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 3rd quarter of 1863.

Morris, Richard R., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Present with
Company through most of the war. Paroled at Montgomery,
Ala., 5-29-65.

266

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Mullins, G. T., 5-1-64 — Macon Co., Ala. : Dropped from the roll
too small and too young for field service.

Murphy, E. S.: His name appears on a payroll list, 8-31-62.

Murray, J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Neagle (Nagle), John 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison,
Del. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A. and joined the
1st Connecticut Cavalry.

Norman, James T., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Killed at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Palmer, W. W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died 6-10-62. No ad-
ditional information.

Perry, Edward: Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Sent
‘ to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-18-65.

Purifoy, M. C., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala. : Discharged due to
tuberculosis, 2-11-62.

Ragsdale, L. P., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Sergeant 1863.
Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Appointed
Ensign of the Regiment 4-8-64. Mentioned for bravery at
Gettysburg.

Reeves, George, 8-15-63 — Coffee Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Apparently
given wounded parole. Hospitalized at Howard’s Grove Gen-
eral Hospital, Richmond, Va., 5-17-64.

Richardson, John: His name appears on a list of prisoners of
war exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62.

Riley, Martin S., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Present with Com-
pany through most of war.

Rollo, (Roller), J. J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-217-62. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H„ 4-9-65.

Ross, Asa, 5-21-61 — Greenville, Ala.: 2nd Sergeant. Seriously
wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Sanson, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62.

Sapp, F (T). M., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg. Died at DeCamp General
Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor, 9-63.

Sapp, William S., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died 6-4-61.

19 7 7

267

Savage, Robert, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness, 1862.

Searcy, J. R., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: 3rd Corporal. Name
placed on Roll of Honor for his actions at battle of Sharps-
burg, 9-17-62. Promoted to Sergeant 1864. Captured at
Farmville, Va., 4-11-65. Paroled at Farmville.

Sessions, J. J., 10-16-62 — Wilcox Co., Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del., 10-22-63. Exchanged 4-27-74. Received
further treatment at General Hospital No. 9, Richmond,
Va., 5-8-64.

Shaw, E. J., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Corporal. Musician. Died
of illness at South Carolina Hospital, Petersburg, Va., 6-
25-62.

Shoemake, J., 8-8-62 — Autauga, Ala.: Conscript. Deserted 3-65.

Sidners, J. H. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 5-6-63.

Smith, C. O.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-18-65.

Smith, H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Woodcutter for the Reg-
iment. Mortally wounded at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Smith, J. J., n. d. — Clopton, Ala.: Conscript. Name appears on
the register of two hospitals in Richmond, Va., 5-8-64 and
8-20-64.

Smith, Seaborn, 8-29-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: His name is entered
as patient at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, 8-31-63.
Apparently never returned to duty.

Smith, S. H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Present with original
Company.

Smitherman, J.: His name appears on a list of prisoners of
war captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Smoke, J. L., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Present with original
Company. No record of having proceeded to Richmond with
Company.

Spears, J. C., 8-10-62 — Dale Co., Ala.: Conscript. Transfered
from Company C, 1-20-64. Wounded in some battle, n.d. n.p.

Spears, J. G., 3-16-64 — Dale Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died of illness,
6-17-64.

Stephens, John P., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Stevens, J. H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Detached and detailed as Teamster
in Division Ordnance Train, 8-8-63.

268

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Stott, Stephen W., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Strickland, A., 8-12-62 — Barbour Co., Ala.: Conscript. Cap-
tured at Farmville, Va., 4-6-65. Paroled from Newport
News, Va.

Stusom, Thomas: His name appears on a register of Camp
Winder General Hospital No. 2, as furloughed 9-24-62.

Swint, Joseph, 8-8-62 — Tallapoosa, Ala.: Conscript. Assigned to
Division Ordnance Train.

Tefepaugh, H. P., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Captured at Farmville, Va., 4-6-
65. Sent to Newport News, Va. Signed oath of allegiance
to the U. S. A. 6-24-65.

Thomas, Leroy, 8-12-62 — Barbour Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died of
illness at Orange C. H. Hospital, Va., 8-19-64.

Thornton, J. A., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Given wounded parole
8-24-63.

Tisdale, Charles C., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded at battle
of Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62. Died of illness at 2nd Alabama
Hospital, Richmond, Va., 12-16-62.

Trice, L. S., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Present with Company
through 8-61.

Turner, B.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing for
the 4th quarter of 1864.

Wallace, William F., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to DeCamp
General Hospital, David's Island, New York Harbor, for
treatment.

Walters, John, 10-20-62 — Mobile, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Treated at Letter-
man General Hospital, Gettysburg, Pa. Transfered to Fort
McHenry Prison, Md. n.d. Transfered to Point Lookout
Prison, Md., 7-21-64. Exchanged 2-18-65

Ward, Clinton L., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Died of illness at
General Hospital No. 13, Richmond, Va., 7-10-62.

Ware, James, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62, sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged 8-5-62. Killed at battle of Sharpsburg 9-17-62.

Whitaker, J., 8-22-62 — Coffee Co., Ala.: Conscript. Present with
Company through 2-64.

19 7 7

269

Wright, John, 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Musician. Captured at
battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison,
Del. Exchanged 8-5-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Hospitalized at U. S. A. General Hos-
pital, Chester, Pa., 7-9-63. Apparently given wounded pa-
role for he appears as a patient at Episcopal Christ Church
Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., 8-20-63, and Howard’s Grove
General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 5-10-64, where an arm
was amputated.

William, W.: Died of illness 12-30-62.

Willis, L. C.: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-25-65.

Wilner, J. B.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 3rd quarter of 1863.

Wilson, S. T., 8-9-62 — Pike Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died of illness
at Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 3-
28-65.

Wimbush, J. H., 5-20-61 — Greenville, Ala.: Wagoner. Deserted
or surrendered 4-65. Transportation furnished to Phila-
delphia, Pa.

Woodruff, Luther: His name appears on a record of prisoners
of war at Camp Douglas, 111., as captured at Sand Moun-
tain, Ala., 7-18-64. Joined 6th U. S. Volunteer Cavalry,
4-3-65.

Wooten, J. T. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 5-23-64.

W'right, William, 8-20-62 — Macon Co., Ala.: Conscript. Chron-
ically ill at Camp Winder General Hospital, Richmond, Va.,
from 4-30-63 until dropped from the roll of the Company.

270

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX K

Company “G”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company, made up mostly of the German population of

Mobile, was raised in 1848 as an independent Company (Ger-
man Fusiliers) in Mobile, Mobile County, Alabama, and was

mustered in C. S. A. service on June 9, 1861.

OFFICERS

Lt. Col. John P. Emrich: Captain, 5-25-61. Promoted to Major
of the Regiment, 6-16-62. Wounded at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62. Lt. Col., 11-2-64. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Captain Anthony Kohler (Kuehler) : 1st Lt., 5-21-61. Captain,
6-16-62. Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to
Johnson’s Island Prison, Ohio. Transfered to Point Look-
out Prison, Md., 3-14-65.

1st Lt. Alexander Shedden: Sergeant, 5-25-61. 1st Lt., 6-27-62.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63'.
Sent to Johnson’s Island Prison, Ohio.

2nd Lt. Drury Thompson : 5-25-61 to 6-12-62. Resigned due

to physical disability.

2nd Lt. Adam Hippier: 5-25-61 to 10-19-61. Resigned.

2nd Lt. August Jansen: Private, 5-25-61. 2nd Lt., 10-29-61.

Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

2nd Lt. Charles F. Walker (Wacker) : Corporal, 5-21-61. 1st

Lt., 10-12-62. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-4-63. Name placed on Roll of Honor. Sent to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Transfered to Johnson’s Island
Prison, Ohio, 7-27-63. Released 6-12-65.

2nd Lt. George Schwarz: Sergeant, 5-25-61. 1st Lt., 10-12-62.
Wounded at battle of Frazier's Farm, 6-30-62. Killed at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

2nd Lt. B. E. Gould: Private, 5-21-61. 2nd Lt., 12-23-63. Re-
ceived Regimental compliment for gallantry at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Enlisted Ranks

Ahern, Patrick, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Present on muster roll
throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

19 7 7

271

Ackridge, Joseph, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : His name appears on
a register of discharged soldiers, 7-28-62.

Anderson, Alexander, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Hospitalized 8-61.
No other information.

Arnfeldt (Arnfield), Thomas, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Detailed

as Forage Master to Quartermaster Dept. Discharged,
1-22-62.

Arnstein, H. : His name appears on an early roll of the Com-

pany.

Barkman, John T., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mills, 6-27-62.

Barrier, Jacob: His name appears on a register of General

Hospital No. 18, Richmond, Va., as discharged from the
service, 12-28-61.

Bauer, Charles: Sergeant. Present with Company until early

1862.

Bauman, F. : Corporal. Present with Company in 1862.

Benefield, J. : Died of illness at Chimborazo Hospital No. 4,

Richmond, Va., 3-3-63.

Berger, Jacob : His name appears on a register of discharged

soldiers, 12-31-61.

Blumenfield, John, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged, 8-31-61.

Braun, J. : Sergeant. His name appears on an early roll of the
Company.

Braun, W. : Sergeant. His name appears on an early roll of

the Company.

Broun, Andrew: His name appears on an early roll of the

Company.

Broun (Brown), Peter, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the
enemy, 7-14-63, near Williamsport, Md., during retreat
from battle of Gettysburg. Joined U. S. service, 1-24-64.

Broun (Brown), William, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 3rd Sergeant. Deserted at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Took oath of allegiance to the
U. S. A.

Bush, C. G., 8-27-62 — Dale Co., Ala.: Wounded 9-18-64.

Callaway, B. C., 8-7-62 — Macon Co., Ala.: Conscript. Severely
wounded 9-64.

Cannon, R. J. : Died of illness, 12-21-62.

Caskell, J. B. McCoy: His name appears on a record of Lin-

coln U. S. A. General Hospital, Washington, D.C., as pa-
tient, 6-64.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Castello, James, 5-25-61— ‘Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Chapman, W. S., 8-22-62 — Coffee Co., Ala. : Captured at battle
of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Died of typhoid fever at Elmira
Prison, N. Y., 8-16-64.

Clark, C. A., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered to C. S. Navy,
8-22-63.

Clark, H. : His name appears on a list of prisoners of war

captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-14-65.

Collins, Benjamin, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Daubach, John H., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Sergeant. Wounded
at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Captured at battle of

I Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Deeley, John H., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Mortally wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Died in a Richmond hos-
pital, 7-2-62.

Delth, W. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Donavan, Joseph: His name appears on an early roll of the

Company.

Egger, Francis, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Died of typhoid fever

at Chimborazo Hospital No. 1, Richmond, Va., 6-7-62.

Elliott, Toler : Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg,

7-2-63. Exchanged 3-64.

Evans, W. H. : Conscript. Hospitalized at Howard’s Grove

General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 8-23-64.

Evans, W. R. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for the 3rd quarter of 1864.

Failar (Faeler), Jerome, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at

battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Finley, T. J., 8-15-62 — Coosa Co., Ala. : Conscript. Present

through 1864. His name appears on a list of Confederate
soldiers paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-20-65.

Fisher, John: Corporal. Captured at battle of Salem Church,

5-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Foster, William M., 9-2-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Pa-
roled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Franz, Peter C., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Detailed as Provost

Guard. Detailed as Carpenter, 2-24-62.

Frasier, William: Discharged due to physical disability, 9-17-62.

19 7 7

273

Frische, William, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Assigned to duty at

various mitlitary hospitals in the Richmond, Va., Area.

Galloway, B. C. : His name appears on a receipt roll for cloth-
ing for the 3rd quarter of 1863.

Ganbell, S. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., 7-9-64.

Gealer, S. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Gengenbach, Gottlieb (Gingenbach), 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.:
Discharged due to physical disability, 12-23-61.

Gensler (Gunsler), Samuel, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Detached

to hospital duty.

Gilchrist, John, 5-23-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S.

Navy, 7-16-64.

Gilfoy, T. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Godwin, James P. : Captured 5-16-64. Enlisted in U. S. Army,
6-10-64.

Goldsmith, Robert (Goldschmidt), 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Cap-

tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.
and released 5-10-65.

Gottsmanshausen, Gustave, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Detailed to

duty as a Butcher.

Graham, J. L., 7-4-64— Jefferson Co., Ala. : Conscript. Pa-

roled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Graham, W. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing

for the 3rd quarter of 1864.

Grandberry, C. F., 8-5-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: His name appears
on a register of Howard’s Grove General, Richmond, Va.,
in mid 1864.

Grangentes, G. : His name appears on a record of hospitalization
at Episcopal Church Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., 12-17-61.

Gratix, Joseph, 5-21-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md., and paroled
2-18-65.

Grove, D. J. : Captured at a Richmond hospital, 4-3-65. Re-

leased 4-25-65.

Gunsler, S. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Hachmeyer, Heinrich (Hachmeir), 5-21-61— Mobile, Ala.:
Killed at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

274

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Hackman, J. : His name appears on an early roll of the Com-

pany.

Hamilton, J. L. : Captured at battle of Gettysburg', 7-3-63.

Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Transferee to Point
Lookout Prison, Md., 10-26-63.

Hancock, N. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty, 2-18-64.

Harrison, John, 8-22-62 — Coffee Co., Ala. : Wounded and hos-

pitalized, 10-8-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Hanlein (Haelein), Frank, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal.

Sergeant, 6-30-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Hauck, Nicholas, 5-21-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Musician. Sergeant,

1864.

Hauersberger, Jacob (Hauersbeurger), 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.:
Discharged due to physical disability, 12-22-62.

Henrich, Sebastian, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Detailed to Ambu-

lance Corps.

Henry, S. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty, 3-28-64.

Hern, P. A. : His name appears on a register of Chimborazo

General Hospital No. 4, Richmond, Va., as returned to
duty, 6-26-63.

Hippier, A., 7-3-64 — Mobile, Ala.: Conscript. Paroled at Ap-

pomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Hippier, Charles Jr., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Jensen (Johnson), Arthur, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered

to C. S. Navy, 2-12-62.

Keefe, Thomas, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Keinle, John, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and captured at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hos-
pital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Given wounded
parole. Treated in a Mobile hospital. Apparently disabled.

Kennedy, T. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-

pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 3-28-64.

Kidd, William, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Detailed as clerk in

Quartermaster Dept. Discharged due to physical disability,
2-28-62.

Kiefer, Peter, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Corporal. Killed at bat-

tle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

19 7 7

275

King, S. J., 8-29-62 — Coffee Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded

and caotured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison. D a l., Transferred to Point Lookout Prison,
Md., 10-26-63. Exchanged, 11-11-64. Paroled, 5-8-65.

Klein (Kline). Ferdinand, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala: Musician.

Krause, August. 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Kriebel, F., 2-13-62: Enlisted under a false name, 2-13-62.

Was apprehended for murder the next day.

Kruse, Henrv, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal. Wounded at

battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hos-
pital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Exchanged,
8-11-63, at Camp Lee, Va.

Lauder, George, 5-25-61— Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Salem Church, 5-3-63. Took oath of allegiance to the
U. S. A.

Lee, John H., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Court Martialled 8-14-62.

Lohide (Loheide), John C. : Wounded and captured at battle

of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Given wounded parole and treated
in a Richmond hospital. Discharged due to physical dis-
ability, 9-10-64.

Lowenfeld, Hammond (Lohenfeldt), 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. Pres-
ent with original Company.

Manning, W. J., 9-8-62 — Chambers, Ala. : Conscript. Paroled

at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Mattellac, W. E. : His name appears on a register of General

Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 2-2-63.

McCaskill, A., 10-12-62 — Wilcox Co., Ala,.: Conscript. Died

of pneumonia at General Hospital No. 9, Lynchburg, Va.,
5-12-64.

McCaskill, W. E., 10-12-62 — -Wilcox Co., Ala. : Conscript. Cap-

tured at battle of the Wilderness, 5-10-64. Sent to Old
Capitol Prison, Washington, D. C. Later transfered to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Released, 6-14-65.

McCosker, Mathias J. (McCasker), 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del.

McDonald, J. A. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of

war paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-19-65.

McGauren, J. His name appears on an early roll of the Com-
pany.

276

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

McGregor, John J., 5-21-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Present with origi-
nal Company.

Meier, G. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Meyers, Charles, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Sergeant. Wounded

at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Meyers (Myers), John, 8-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent
to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New York
Harbor. Given wounded parole, 8-24-63.

Muller (Miller), Frederich, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Muller (Miller), Jacob, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal. Dis-

charged due to physical disability, 1-6-62.

Moss, J. J., 8-25-62 — Dale Co., Ala, : Conscript. Seriously

wounded at battle of Salem Church, Va., 5-3-63. Died in
a Richmond hospital, 6-14-63.

Moss, J. L., 8-23-62 — Dale Co., Ala., Deserted while a patient
at Chimborazo General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 7-14-63.

Murray, J. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Naile, W. B., 8-23-62 — Dale Co., Ala.: Captured at battle of

Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Nelson, John, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Released, 5-10-65.

Obering, E. F., 5-25-61— Mobile, Ala. : Died of illness at Rich-
mond, Va., 1-2-62.

Partridge, H. H., 8-29-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Miss-
ing at battle of Gettysburg.

Pearson, W. A. J. : Wounded and capturdd at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-4-63. Paroled from DeCamp General Hospital,
David’s Island, New York Harbor, 9-27-63. Severely
wounded at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64.

Pfledger, Philip, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Permanently disabled.

Poland, William, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered to 45th

Regiment Georgia Volunteers, 8-27-63.

Prinz, Charles, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Mortally wounded at

battle of Burgess’ Mill, 10-27-64.

Ransey, A. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-

pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 9-7-64.

Redlick, J. : Present with Company 12-31-61 to 2-28-62.

19 7 7

277

Remus, Peter, 5-21-61— Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Detached to Division Pioneer Corps,
12-63.

Reynolds, J. R. : Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg.
Treated in U. S. hospital at Gettysburg, Pa.

Roach, C. L. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 3-5-64.

Roberts, John, 5-21-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Present with Company

only until 8-61.

Roberts, William E., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged,

10-27-62. Man was not a citizen of the Confederacy or of
the U. S. A.

Robertson, Lewis J., 5-25-51 — Mobile, Ala. : Record of hospita-
lization 5-62.

Roh, Charles L., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Received Regimental

Honors for gallantry at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.
Sergeant, 4-1-64.

Rothschild, A., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken's Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Corporal, 1863.
Died 7-17-63, of wounds received at battle of Gettysburg.
Cited for conspicuous bravery during the battle.

Ryales, J., 8-14-62 — Coffee Co., Ala.: Conscript. Record of

hospitalization at Richmond, Va., in April and May, 1864.

Schaaf, Philip, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died while in service.

Scharf, Henry, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Deserted at battle of Gettysburg.
Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Took oath of allegi-
ance to the U. S. A. and released 3-29-65.

Schmidt, Frederick, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: His name appears

on an early roll of the Company. His name appears on a
register of payment as 1st Sergeant, 6-13-62.

Schmidt, John, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Detailed as Teamster

for the Medical Department through 1864.

Schneider, August, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Detailed as Regi-

mental Butcher. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Schneider, George : His name appears on a register of payment,
6-17-62.

Schneider, John, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Record of hospitaliza-
tion and return to duty, 1-62.

Schultz, August, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

278

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Shreve, S. : His name appears on an early roll of the Company.

Shrides, A. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., 2-5-64.

Silenger, C. D. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., as furloughed for
40 days, 9-28-64.

Smith, H. W., 8-24-62 — Coffee Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to Point
Lookout Prison, Md. Transfered to Fort Delaware Prison,
Del., 10-27-63. Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 2-18-65.
Paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 6-5-65.

Smith, James, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. His name appears on a register of
Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 12-20-64.
Captured at Tuskegee, Ala., 4-15-65. Sent to Macon, Ga.,
prison, 4-23-65.

Smith (Schmidt), Peter, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Name placed

on Roll Of Honor for gallantry at battle of Sharpsburg,
9-17-62. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-3-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island,
New York Harbor. Must have been given wounded parole
for his name appears on the register of the Alabama Hospi-
tal, Richmond, Va., 10-31-63. Furloughed to Mobile, Ala.
subsequently died cf illness.

Smith, S. T., 8-28-62 — Coffee Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded

and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Apparently
given a wounded parole. Sent home as disabled.

Spikes, J. S., 8-23-62 — Dale Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded

and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort
McHenry Prison, Md. Transfered to Fort Deleware Prison,
Del., n.d. Given wounded parole and sent to hospital at
Lynchburg, Va. Received wounded furlough home to New-
ton, Ala. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Steidel, Ferdinand, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Sergeant. Killed at
battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Stevenson, C. H. : His name appears on an early roll of the

Company.

Stringfellow, Frank, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Took oath of
allegiance to the U. S. A. Joined U. S. 3rd Maryland
Cavalry.

19 7 7

279

Stringfellow, James, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Severely wounded

at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Treated in Richmond,
Va., and Mobile, Ala., hospitals. Later detailed to hospital
duty.

Stumm, Gustave A., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Swartz, H. : His name appears on a register of payment, 7-7-62.

Taylor, James A. : Conscript. Captured at battle of Gettys-

burg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Ex-
changed, 7-31-63. Name appears on a register of Epis-
copal Church Hospital, Williamsburg, Va., as returned to
duty, 9-2-63.

Taylor, John, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 4th Sergeant, 1863. 2nd
Sergeant, 4-1-63. 1st Sergeant, 1-9-64. Retired due to
physical disability caused by wounds.

Taylor, Neal, 10-25-63 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Hos-

pitalized most of the time after reporting to Company.

Thomas, William: Died of illness at General Hospital No. 1,

Lynchburg, Va., 6-16-63.

Till, James, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died due to chronic illness,

3- 22-62.

Turner, H. R., 8-14-62 — Tallapoosa, Ala.: Conscript. Present
with Company, 10-63.

Turner, R. : Deserted, 4-65. Took oath of allegiance to the

U. S. A.

Turner, R. M., 8-14-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala. : Mortally wounded
at battle of Deep Bottom, Va., 8-16-64.

Walker, S. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing

for the 3rd quarter of 1864.

Weiser, Lewis, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Only present with Com-
pany through 8-61.

White, J. B., 8-15-62 — Coffee Co., Ala. : Conscript. Died of

illness at General Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 6-15-63.

Wickham, James C., 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged due to

physical disability, 5-9-63.

Williams, J. W., 8-15-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Died
of pneumonia at General Hospital No. 1, Richmond, Va.,

4- 11-63.

Wilson, Charles, 5-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered to C. S.

Navy, 4-2-62.

Wilson, Robert L. : Conscript. Severely wounded at battle of

the Petersburg Crater, 7-30-64.

280

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Wilson, Samuel, 5-25-61 — ‘Mobile, Ala.: Retired, 10-20-64, due
to physical disability from wounds received in action. Pa-
roled at Montgomery, Ala., 6-17-65.

19 7 7

281

APPENDIX L

Company “H”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company was reorganized and raised on May 17, 1861, at
Mobile, Mobile County, Alabama, as the “Independent Scouts”,
and was mustered in C. S. A. service on June 9, 1861, for the
period of the war.

OFFICERS

Captain William F. Cleveland, Jr.: 5-18-61 to 10-24-62. Re-

si gned.

Captain William VV. Mordecai: 2nd Lt., 5-18-61. Wounded at
battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. 1st Lt., 6-1-62. Captain,
10-24-62. Commended as conspicuous for gallantry and
bravery at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded near
Petersburg, Va., 8-21-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,

4- 9-65.

1st Lt. Joshua Kennedy: Killed at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.
1st Lt. Robert R. Scott: 1st Sergeant. 2nd Lt., 10-30-61.

Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 1st Lt.,
10-24-62. Died, 7-22-63, at Letterman U. S. A. Hospital,
Gettysburg, Pa., from wounds received at battle of Gettys-
burg. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

1st Lt. Charles R. Rice: 3rd Sergeant. 2nd Lt., 6-1-62.

Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Commended as
conspicuous for gallantry and bravery at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-2-63. Sent to Johnson’s Island Prison, Ohio. Trans-
fered to Point Lookout Prison, Md., for exchange, 3-14-65.
2nd Lt. John D. Collier: 5-18-61 to 10-21-61. Resigned. Sub-
quently died of illness.

2nd Lt. William H. Dunn : 1st Corporal. Ordnance Sergeant,

5- 1-62. 2nd Lt., 10-24-62. Assistant Quartermaster (Cap-
tain) of the Regiment, 2-17-64 to 6-14-64.

Enlisted Ranks

Anderson, George, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered to C. S.

Navy in 1863.

2 C 2

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Austill, J. W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 5th Sergeant. Discharged
due to physical disability, 10-7-61.

Babbitt, C. H. : His name appears on a list of the Company

printed in the Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Baker, C. L., 8-15-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.* Killed at
battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Bamick, C. K. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va., 7-4-64.

Barkloo, Henry P., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Died, 7-19-62, from

wrunds received a l battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Batton, Thomas E., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Detailed as Ward

Master in Lynchburg, Va., hospital. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Beer, Joseph, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S. Navy,
1-63.

Berwick, W., 8-27-62 — Henry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Died,

7-15-64, at Howard’s Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va., from
wounds received at battle of Ream’s Station, 6-29-64.

Blackman, J. W., 8-12-62 — Macon Co., Ala. : Conscript. Present
through most of the war.

Blake,. E. V.: His name appears on a list of the Company

printed in the Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10

Blount, B. B., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed in a skirmish at

Wynne’s Mill, near Yorktown, Va., being the first man
killed in action from Company “II”.

Brannan, J. E., 8-27-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to
DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Har-
bor.

Brannan, J. W., 8-27-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Treated at
Letter man U. S. Hospital, Gettysburg, Pa. Transfered to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 7-20-64. Corporal,
7-20-65.

Brown, James C. : 3rd Sergeant.

Buck, Henry W., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md., 10-24-63. Ex-
changed, 5-3-64. Killed at battle of the Petersburg Crater,
7-30-64.

19 7 7

283

Burns, James, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: He appears to have been

a deserter from a Louisiana Zouaves battery.

Cain, G. W., 9-4-62 — Dale Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded at

battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Cain, Peter : His name appears on a list of the Company printed
in the Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Carlen, M., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Detailed to Ambulance

Corps. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Carpenter, E. E., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged due to

physical disability, 2-62.

Cashin, John, 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness at West

Point, Va., 4-28-62.

Cavanaugh, B., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Chason, Reuben, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died, 7-13-62, from

wounds received at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Chastang, Harrison, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle

of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Chism, J. W., 10-23-62 — Talladega, Ala.: Conscript. Deserted

and took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Clark, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62.

Clark, S. W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg,
9-17-62. Corporal, 10-1-62. Sergeant, 2-1-63. Wounded
at battle of Totopotomoy Creek, 6-1-64. A faithful soldier.

Cobini, Eugene A., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Captured at battle

of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged, 8-5-62. Captured at battle of Sharpsburg,
9-17-62. Exchanged the same day. Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Must have been exchanged
again, for he was present at battle of the Petersburg
Crater.

??????????

Collins, Charles, 1-1-63 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Took oath of allegiance to the G. S. A.
while a prisoner of war at Fort Delaware! Prison, Del.
Joined the 3rd Maryland Cavalry.

284 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Commerce, William, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Slightly wounded

at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Transfered to C. S. Navy, 1-63.

Co k, B. F., 8-10-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. A good soldier.

Coon (Coone), John, 6-18-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

Captured at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing,
Va., 8-5-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died
while a prisoner of war at U. S. A. Hospital, Chester, Pa.

Couch, Henry V., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to

being a minor.

Crassin, Fernando A. : Conscript. Captured, 4-6-65. Released
fr m Point Lookout Prison, Md., 6-14-65.

Creech (Creach), A. C., 9-5-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.
Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 10-64.

Croughnn, Patrick, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle

of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Failed to return from wounded
furlough.

Crutch, E. C. : Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent

to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Cutchins, J., 9-5-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Died from
wounds received at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-12-64.

Daughdrill, John L., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to the

3rd Alabama Regiment, 6-8-62.

??????????

Davis, William J., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle

of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 10-6-62. Sergeant,
2-1-63. Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. A faithful
soldier.

Davis, J. T., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Died of illness, 8-62.

Davis, W. J. R., 3-12-62 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness, 7-62.

Deal, L., 8-20-62 — Dale Co., Ala. : Conscript. Mortally wounded
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Dean, Thomas R., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged due to

physical disability, 9-8-61.

Deith, William, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy,

11-4-61.

19 7 7

285

Donald, T. J., 5-25-64 — Choctaw Co., Ala. : Conscript.

Donovan, W. G., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Captured straggling

during first Maryland campaign. Set free, 10-62. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Exchanged,
n.d. Deserted and took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Dunn, D. W. : His name appears on a register of an hospital,

Richmond, Va., 8-5-63.

Dupieu, William: His name appears on a list printed in the

Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Fair, John : His name appears on a list printed in the Mobile

Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Faulkner, D. T. : His name appears on a list printed in the

Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Ferguson, George W., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to
physical disability, 12-61.

Finton, John W., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Promoted to Corporal,
5-5-63. Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Fiske, Charles E., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Corporal. Died of

illness at Bigelow Mill, Va., 10-61.

Flinn, Andrew : His name appears oji a list printed in the

Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Fowler, G. H. : His name appears on a list printed in the Mobile
Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Franklin, O. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war

paroled at Talladega, Ala., 6-20-65.

Frederickson, George: His name appears on a list printed in

the Mobile Item, 4-26-10.

Gardner, M. : His name appears on a receipt roll for commuta-
tion of rations on furlough, 7-15-62.

????????????

Gill, G. W., 8-6-62 — Coosa Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded at

battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Wounded on Enemy’s Left
Flank, Petersburg, Va., 6-23-64.

Gill, N. H. : His name appears on a record for pay and furlough
in April, 1864.

Goodson, David, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Goodman, J. A.., 5-16-64 — Tuscaloosa, Ala. : Conscript. Present
with Company during the last few months of the war.

288

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Gore, James M., 6-6-64 — Jefferson Co., Ala. : Conscript. Pa-

roled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Govini, E. A. : Conscript. Hospitalized at Howard’s Grove

Hospital, Richmond, Va., 8-11-64.

Graham, J. (Jesse) A., 5-25-64 — 'Choctaw Co., Ala. : Conscript.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Gray, M. M., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S. Ord-

nance Department, 8-61.

Griffin, F. M., 5-10-64 — Centerville, Va. : Conscript, Wounded
at battle of the Petersburg- Crater, 7-30-64. Died of illness,
6-3-65, v/hile a prisoner at Point Lookout Prison, Md.

Hanse (Hause), Philip, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured fol-

io v/ing the battle of Sharpsburg, 9-10-62. Paroled in the
field. Detailed to C. S. Ordnance Department, 12-63.

Harrel, C. R. : Sergeant. His name appears on a register of

the General Hospital, Petersburg, Va., as returned to duty,
6-23-64.

Harwell, C. R., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 5-5-63. Sergeant, 3-1-64.
Wounded on Enemy’s Left Flank, Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64.

Harwell, William R., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at bat-

tle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 3-1-64. Mortally
wounded near Petersburg, Va., 6-27-64.

Hastings, J. : His name appears on a list printed in the Mobile
Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Hawkins, C. : His name appears on a list printed in the Mobile
Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Herbert, John, 3-14-62 — Mobile, Ala. : Volunteer recruit. Killed
at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Name placed on the Roll
of Honor.

Hilf, Samuel : 2nd Sergeant. Record of reenlistment, n.d.

Hill, James, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted, 6-1-62, at battle

of Seven Pines.

Hilton, William, 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Hingston, Solan W., 2-16-63 — Talladega, Ala.: Transfered to

the 14th Alabama Infantry Regiment.

Holland, Thomas: His name appears on a list printed in the

Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Holley, R.: His name appears on a list printed in the Mobile

Daily Item, 4-26-10.

19 7 7

207

Howell, A., 8-20-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala. : Conscript. Captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Died of smallpox while a prisoner of war,
11-25-63.

Humes, H. C. : His name appears rn a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 11-15-64.

Hunt, Felix M., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Promoted to Regimental
Commissary Sergeant, 6-2-62. Captured at High Bridge,
Appomattox River, Va., 4-6-65. Paroled, 6-13-65.

Hursey, G. A., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 2-63. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Transfered to point Lookout Prison,
Md., 10-26-63. Died, 11-14-63.

Jackson, Charles, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Failed to return from
furlough home, 2-63. He is thought to have joined the
C. S. Navy at Mobile.

Jackson, J. A. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va.

Jackson, W. O., 8-27-62 — Henry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Treated at
Letterman U. S. A. Hospital, Gettysburg, Pa. Exchanged,
1-1-64. Severely wounded at battle of the Petersburg
Crater, 7-30-64.

James, C. S. : His name appears on a list printed in the Mobile
Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Jones, J. J., Jr., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Orderly for Colonel

John A. Winston. Killed at battle of Frazier’s Farm,
6-30-62.

Kelley, S. A.: His name appears on a register of Howard’^

Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va., as furloughed, 12-13-64.

Kelly, John: His name appears on a voucher for pay, 1-22-62.

Kennedy, Isaac, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Kessell, George: His name appears on a list printed in the

Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Krassin, F. August, 5-18-61 — ‘Mobile, Ala. : Detailed as Am-

bulance Driver. Captured at High Bridge, Appomattox
River, Va., 4-6-65. Sent to Point Lookout Prison, Md.
Released, 6-14-65.

Krueger, Charles: 1st Sergeant. Record of receiving pay in

1861-62.

233

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Leathers, A., 8-7-61 — Auburn, Ala. : Transferee! from 14th Ala-
bama Infantry Regiment. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,

4- 9-65

Lee, W. G. : His name appears on a list printed by the Mobile

Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Leighton, William : His name appears on a list printed by the

Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Lewis, Isaac, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Salem Church,

5- 3-63. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Pa-
roled at Lynchburg, Va., 4-13-65.

Lipscomb, D. W., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and captured
at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 6-12-64. Exchanged from
Point Lookout Prison, Md., 9-30-64.

Lofton, Van, 3-18-62 — Mobile, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded at

battle of Sharp«sburg, 9-17-62.

Madden, William, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transfered to C. S.

Navy, 2-62.

Malone, G. F., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 2-63. Killed at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. A faithful soldier.

Malone, Henry R., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 4th Sergeant. Pro-
moted to 1st Sergeant, 7-63. Wounded at battle of Deep
Bottom, Va., 8-16-64.

Malone, J. G., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Mortally wounded at bat-
tle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Died, 7-19-62.

Malone, M. A., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 5-5-63. Sergeant, 7-2-63.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Mangan, M. E., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness, 1-13-63.

Mardenbrough, G. D. : 4th Corporal. His name appears on a
list printed in the Mobile Daily Item, 4-26-10.

Marks (Marxs), Henry, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Mason, Charles, 8-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Killed
at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

McClintock, H. G., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

McCormick, Neal, 9-8-62 — Pike Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Wounded at battle of the
wilderness, 5-6-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

19 7 7

289

McGraw, William H., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal, 11-1-61.
Sergeant, 6-1-62. Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill,
6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Killed
at battle of Gettysburg. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

McLoud, Alex, 8-2-62 — ‘Pike Co., Ala. : Conscript. Discharged

due to physical disability, 8-63. Died, 9-63.

Merkle, P., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of Gaines’

Mill, 6-27-62.

Merrill, M. J., 5-21-64 — Choctaw Co., Ala. : Conscript. De-

serted, 9-1-64, and took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.
Transportation furnished to Philadelphia, Pa.

Moffatt (Moffitt), H. D., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Mortally wounded at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died at U. S. Letterman Hospital,
Gettysburg, Pa., 9-19-63.

Myers, James: Died, 1-5-63, at General Hospital, Danville, Va.

Newell, N. J. : Deserted and took oath of allegiance to the

U. S. A., 9-6-64.

Newman, William, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded, 12-22-61,

in skirmish at New Market Bridge, near Newport News,
Va. Deserted to the enemy at battle of Williamsburg,
5-5-62.

Nicholson, H. G. : His name appears on a register of General

Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty, 4-11-64.

Palmer, W. W., 8-27-62 — Barbour Co., Ala. : Conscript.

Patten, T. H. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va. n.d.

Patterson, G. W., 8-27-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala.: Conscript.

Accidently shot himself, 10-64. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Pearce (Pierce), W., 8-27-62 — Barbour Co., Ala.: Conscript.

Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Pendergast, L. His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 3, Richmond, Va., as furloughed, 9-24-62.

Perryman, William D., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Captured at bat-
tle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged, 8-5-62. Killed at
battle of Bristoe Station, 10-14-63.

Pike, J. K. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s Grove
Hospital, Richmond, Va., 10-28-64.

Powell, J. M. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-29-65.

299

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Rasimi, Joseph: 4th Sergeant. His name appears on a list

printed in the Mobile Daily Item, 4-20-10.

Reagan, Patrick, o-14-62 — Mobile, Ala. : Conscript. Wounded

at battle of Salem Church, 5-B-63. Captured at battle of
the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y. Took
oath of allegiance to the U. S, A.

Reipschlager, Frederick C. F., (Reipschlaeger), 6-25-61 — Mobile,
Ala.: Wounded at skirmish at New Market Bridge near

Newport News, Va., 12-22-61. Wounded at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62. Sergeant, 10-62. Wounded at battle of
Bristle Station, 10-14-63. Killed at battle of Gurley’s
Farm, Weldon Railroad, 6-27-64.

Revcs, A. J. : His name anpears on a list of prisoners of war

paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-24-65.

Rich, James, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Died of illness, 12-63.

Robertson, Hubert, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged due to

7 hysical disability, 12-61.

Rodgers, W. W., 5-27-64 — Choctaw Co., Ala. : Conscript. De-

serted and took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 12-64.

Rooney, James, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Deserted his Company

and joined C. S. Navy. Killed in a naval engagement in
Mobile Bay n.d.

Ross m, M. D., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 4th Corporal. Killed at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Russ 11, Sylvester, 3-12-62: Conscript. Wounded at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Transfered to Company I, 12-62.

Ryals, Perry, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to physi-

cal disability, 6-62.

Ryan, John, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Deserted, 6-1-62. Recap-

tured, 8-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

Saltonstall, W. C., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to

physical disability, 8-61.

Sanson, T. H., 8-10-62 — Coffee Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Sent to
DeCamp Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Given
wounded parole.

Saxon (Sascon), A. H., 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted at bat-
tle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Returned under reprieve of
President Davis. W'ounded at battle of the Wilderness,
5-7-64. Deserted to the enemy near Petersburg, Va.,
9-20-64.

19 7 7

291

Saunders, J^mes: His name appears on a list printed in the

Mobile Dailv Item, 4-26-10.

Sayre, C., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Sergeant, 10-1-62. Killed at

battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63.

Sclatter, J. B. : His n^me appears on a list printed in the Mobile
Daily Ttem, 4-26-10.

Seawell, William A ., 5-30-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 2nd Sergeant.

Wounded at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Discharged due
to his wounds.

Shaw, W. J. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war

paroled at Hartwell, Ga., 5-7-65.

Shultz, Frederick: His name appears on a payroll receipt for

the period of 12-3-62 to 2-28-63.

Smith, A., 3-30-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala.: Recruit by transfer..

Wounded at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Corporal, 3-64.
Killed at battle of Reams Station, 6-29-64.

Smith, John, 4-8-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala, : Recruit by transfer,
12-62. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Smith, S. A., 5-18-65 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62. Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.
Deserted, 2-63.

Smith, W., 8-17-62 — Tallapoosa Co., Ala. : Conscript. Dis-

charged due to physical disability, 7-20-63.

Sommill, John: His name appears on a register of Chimborazo
Hospital No. 2, Richmond, Va., as returned to duty, 6-25-62.
Spence, T. A., 10-27-62 — Conecuh Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died

of illness at Gordonsville, Va., 8-4-63.

Spencer, H. O., 6-26-64 — Selma, Ala. : Conscript. Wounded at
battle of Deep Bottom, Va., 11-17-64. Retired, 3-15-65, as
physically disabled.

Sprowl, John, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Cold Harbor,

6- 3-64.

Stephenson, Steven, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Straid, William W. : His name appears on a register of claims
of deceased Confederate soldiers, 5-2-64.

Stroud, E. D., 9-8-62 — Pike Co., Ala.: Conscript. Severely

wounded (losts of leg) and captured at battle of Gettysburg,

7- 2-63. Discharged due to physical disability, 2-1-64.

Stroud, William, 9-8-62 — Pike Co., Ala. : Conscript. Killed at

battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

292

Stryne, Richard : Captured during retreat from battle of Gettys- \
burg, 7-6-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Took !
oath of allegiance to the U. S. A. and joined the 3rd Mary- !
land Cavalry, 9-63.

Syphrit, John T., 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S.

Marine Corps, 7-62.

Tatum, William A., 6-25-61— Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle |j
of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Corporal, 2-64. Killed at battle
of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Terrill, G. P., 6-6-64 — Elytown, Ala. : Conscript. Hospitalized

frequently. Saw little, if any, combat duty.

Thompson, J. H., His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war j
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 6-20-65.

Tilman, Berry, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Died of typhoid fever j

at C. S. A. Hospital, Danville, Va., 6-15-62.

Titus, Benjamin, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Bristoe Station,
10-14-62. Killed at battle of Hanover Junction, 5-24-64.

Trimmel, B. W., 8-27-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Killed j

at battle of Cold Harbor, 6-7-64.

Tuchen, G. A. : His name appears on a register of General

Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 5-16-64.

Varner, George, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Walker, D. W., 6-25-61— Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Whalen (Whelan), James, 6-25-61— -Mobile, Ala.: Captured at

battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Exchanged, 8-5-62. Deserted his Company
and joined C. S. Navy.

White, Leo : Corporal. His name appears on a register of pay-
ment for February, 1862.

Willey, Alexander, 5-18-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to C. S.

Navy, 1-62.

Williams, Edward: Wounded and captured at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62. Exchanged, 11-62. Captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged, 3-3-64. Deserted, 8-21-64,
during the Petersburg campaign.

Williams, Peter, 6-25-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Transfered to some Cavalry unit.

Woodward, T. B., 5-25-64 — Choctaw Co., Ala. : Conscript. Pa-
roled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

19 7 7

293

Wright, Louis : 2nd Corporal. Reduced to Private for miscon-
duct, 11-61. Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.
Absent, ill, in 2nd Alabama Hospital, Richmond, Va,,
12-11-62.

Yearta, W. F. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-25-65
Zelly, G. : His name appears on a register for payment for ser-
vice from 10-31-61 to 2-28-62.

294

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX M

Company “I”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry

This Company, made up mostly of the Irish population of
Mobile, was raised on April 27, 1861, at Mobile, Mobile County, i
Alabama, as the “Emerald Guards” and was mustered in
C. S. A. service on or about June 9, 1861, for the period of
the war.

OFFICERS

Captain Patrick Loughry: 5-20-61. Killed at battle of Seven

Pines, 6-1-62. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

Captain C. P. B. Branagan (Branegan) : 1st Lt., 5-20-61. Cap- '
tain, 6-1-62. Killed at battle of Gettysburg, 7-8-63.

Captain John McGrath: Private, 5-20-61. 2nd Lt., 11-61.

Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 1st Lt., 1-27-63.
Captain, 7-3-63. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness,

5- 6-64. Wounded at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-11-64.
Retired, 12-27-64.

Captain Andrew Quinn: Private, 5-20-61. Captured at battle

f Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged 8-11-62. 2nd Lt., 11-13-62. 1st Lt., 7-3-63.
Wounded at battle of Bristoe Station, 10-14-63. Captain,
12-27-64.

1st Lt. Michael Nugent: 1st Sergeant, 5-20-61. 2nd Lt., 11-61.
1st Lt., 6-1-62. Resigned, 1-27-63, due to chronic rheu-
matism.

1st Lt. James Killion: Private, 5-20-61. Wounded at battle of
2nd Manassas, 8-30-62. 2nd Lt., 1-27-63. 1st Lt., 12-27-64.
Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

2nd Lt. John T. Halpin: 5-20-61 to 10-8-61. Resigned.

2nd Lt. James Flanagan: 5-20-61 to 10-8-61. Resigned.

Enlisted Ranks

Abbott, John H., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-5-63. Paroled from Fort Delaware Prison, 7-30-63.
Wounded at battle of Burgess’ Mill, 10-27-64. Retired due
to physical disability, 5-22-65. Paroled at Mobile, Ala.,

6- 5-65.

19 7 7

295

Ahern (Aherne), Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 3rd Sergeant.
Wounded at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Captured. Ex-
changed from Fort Monroe, Va., 8-31-62. Discharged
3-21-63.

>f! Blackall, Simon, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Never returned to Company from
n wounded furlough to Mobile. Dropped from the roll.

Boone, L. H., 8-19-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Apparently not exchanged.

Brewer, George, 5-20-61— Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Wil-
liamsburg, Va., 5-5-62.

Brown, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Burke, John, 5-20-61 — ‘Mobile, Ala. : 3rd Corporal. Killed at

battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Burke (Bourke), Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 2nd Ser-

geant. 1st Sergeant, 10-30-61. Killed at battle Of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Burmaster, C. F., 11-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. De-
tailed as Shoemaker. Deserted 7-6-64. Took oath of alle-
giance to the U. S. A., 7-15-64. Transportation furnished
to Philadelphia, Pa.

Butler, W. J., 10-4-64 — Montgomery, Ala.: Conscript.

Cain (Kane), Michael, 6-12-61 : Missing since battle of Weldon
Railroad, 8-21-64. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Canavan, James, 5-22-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Name placed on Roll

of Honor at battle of Williamsburg. Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to DeCamp General Hos-
pital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Exchanged or
given wounded parole. Treated at Episcopal Church Hos-
pital, Williamsburg, Va., 8-63. Returned to Company
9-4-63.

Canney (Caney), John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Lost hisi left

arm at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Name placed on
Roll of Honor.

Cannon, James: Captured at Farmville, Va., 4-6-65. Sent to

Point Lookout Prison, Md. Released 6-9-65.

Carney, George, 1-11-64: Transfered to 1st Louisiana Regi-

ment, 4-21-64.

Carr, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

296

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Corporal, 12-62. Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

Carter, John : His name appears on a register of C. S. A. Gen-
eral Hospital, Danville, Va., as returned to duty.

Carvile, J. C. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-24-65.

Case, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at skirmish at New

Market Bridge, Newport News, Va., 12-22-61. He was
the first man on the Regiment to be killed in action with
the enemy.

Cashin, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Wounded at
battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Killed at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-3-63.

Cassidy, John I., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged 8-5-62. Transfered to C. S. Navy.

Cassidy, John II, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Deserted to the enemy,
11-4-62.

Chaffin (Chafin), Moses, 6-1-64 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Con-

script. Killed at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 6-30-64.

Cherry, Charles, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Corporal, 7-62.

Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

Cochran, J. H., 8-27-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Substitute. Se-

verely wounded and captured at battle of Salem Church,
5-3-63. Sent to Old Capitol Prison, Washington, D. C.
Given wounded parole. Treated at Alabama Hospital, Rich-
mond, Va., 8-63.

Connors, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of
Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Apparently never returned to
Company.

Convy (Convey), William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 4th Corporal.
Discharged, 1-31-62, due to chronic illness.

Coyne, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison. Took
oath of allegiance to the U. S. A., 8-10-62.

Crivallari (Crivallair), Thomas, 6-12-61 — ‘Richmond, Va. :
Present with Company. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Crowly (Crowley), Patrick, 11-10-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Sub-

19 7 7

297

stitute. Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Killed
at battle of Petersburg, 6-27-64.

Curtin, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Present throughout war.

Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-S-65.

Daisy, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Williams-
burg, 5-5-62.

Dargan, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Mortally wounded at

battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Died at Baptist Church
Hospital, Williamsburg, 5-31-62.

Davis, Milton, 6-1-64 : Conscript. Deserted to the enemy,

3-30-65. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Davis, W. C. : His name appears on a list of prisoners of war

received at DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New
York Harbor, that were captured at battle of Gettysburg.

Deboise (Dubose), G. W., 8-10-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Con-

script. Wounded at battle on Enemy’s Left Flank, Peters-
burg, Va., 6-22-64. Paroled at Selma, Ala., 6-65.

Densmore (Dinsmore), Samuel, 9-1-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.:
Substitute. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-2-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s
Island, New York Harbor. Paroled 5-30-65.

Devine, Peter, 8-11-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Substitute. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Apparently
not exchanged.

Dougherty (Doherty), John C., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded
and captured at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Exchanged
8-5-62. Discharged due to physical disability, 8-31-62.

Dolan, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Discharged due to disability caused
by his wound.

Donegan, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Hill, 6-27-62.

Donnell, Edward O., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Musician. Killed

at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Dowling, Dennis, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Took oath of allegiance
to the U. S. A.

Dowling, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness, 9-3-62.

Dowling, John (Joseph), 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted his

Company, 5-28-62. Is supposed to have remained in Con-
federate service.

293 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Duff, Michael, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Enemy’s Left Flank, Petersburg, Va., 6-22-64. Name
placed on Roll of Honor.

Dunigan, Thomas, 5-20-61— Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Dwyer, Walter, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to ill-

ness. Subsequently died.

Dwyer, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Egan, Michael, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62.

Eldre, Daniel : His name appears as a signature to oath of alle-
giance to the U. S. A. while prisoner of war at Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del., 8-10-62.

Fallon, (Tallin), Thomas, 8-13-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Con-

script. Missing after battle of Gettysburg.

Feeney, Bernard, 6-15-63 — Chancellorsville, Va. : Conscript.

Died of wounds received at engagement at North River, Va.,
5-24-64.

Finigan (Finnigan), Timothy, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged n.d.

Fitzgerald, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and captured
at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. No record afterwards.

Flannery, Phillip, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Died from his
wounds at Cliffburne U. S. A. General Hospital, Washing-
ton, D. C., 5-23-62.

Forman, Arthur, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Discharged
due to physical disability, 8-25-63.

Foy, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Discharged due to physical
disability, 7-19-62.

Geary, Cornelius, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of
Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Released 6-14-65.

Gilday, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Detailed to Ordnance Department.

Glaze, William, 5-13-64 — Jefferson Co., Ala.: Conscript.

Wounded near Petersburg, Va., 10-23-64.

19 7 7

299

Golding, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Permanently disabled at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Hospitalized in Mobile and
Shelby Springs, Alabama hospitals. Retired 11-64. Paroled
in Marion, Ala., 5-16-65.

Golding, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Released, 6-14-65.

Gordon, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded (loss of left
eye) and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent
to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s/ Island, New York
Harbor. Given wounded parole. Retired 11-64.

Hall, Dennis, 5-20-61— Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of Gettys-
burg, 7-2-63.

Hamilton, John 2nd, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Hamilton, William, 5-20-61— Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Hanlon, William: Wounded and captured at battle of Seven

Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged, 8-31-62. Retired as permanently
disabled, 2-27-63.

Hannon, Charles, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 4th Sergeant. 2nd

Sergeant, 3-62. Captured at battle of the Wilderness,
5-6-64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y. Released, 6-15-65.

Hart, Joseph F., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 1st Sergeant, 2-1-63.

Wounded during skirmish at Turkey Ridge, Va., 6-3-64.
Surrendered 4-20-65, and sent to New York.

Harville, Augustus, 8-2-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. His
name appears on a register of effects of deceased soldiers,
1864.

Hastings, B. W., 5-25-64 — Mt. Sterling, Ala.: Conscript. Rec-
ord of frequent hospitalization after induction.

Hays (Hayes), Dennis, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Hennessey, Daniel (Denis), 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died at

Cliffburne U. S. A. General Hospital, Washington, D. C.,
8-27-62, from wounds received at battle of Williamsburg,
5-5-62.

Herring, Isaac, 6-1-64 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Killed

at battle of Weldon Railroad, Va., 8-21-64.

Higgins, Farrell, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Williamsburg, 5-5-62.

300

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Holland, J. F., 8-20-62— Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. De-

tailed as Division Wagoner.

Jennings, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 1st Sergeant, 2-1-63.

Killed at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Name placed on
Roll of Honor at battle of 2nd Manassas, 8-20-62.

Kane (Kain), Durham, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle
of Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62.

Kane (Cain), Michael, 6-12-61 — Richmond, Va. : Missing since
battle of Weldon Railroad, 8-21-64. Name placed on Roll
of Honor.

Kay, Anthony: Captured at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62.

Exchanged, 7-16-62.

Kearny, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Kearney, George, 1-11-64: Conscript. TYansfered to the 1st

Louisiana Regiment.

Keeley (Keiley), Richard, 3-17-63 — Mobile, Ala.: Transfered to
C. S. Navy.

Kent, Pierce, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 3rd Sergeant, 2-1-63. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Released, 6-7-65.

Keone, H. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s Grove
General Hospital, Richmond, Va. n.d.

King, Anthony, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded (loss of left
eye) and captured at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent
to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Given wounded parole. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 8-1-62. 1

Kirkland, William V., 6-15-64 — Henry Co., Ala. : Conscript.

Captured near Petersburg, Va., 4-2-65. Sent to Point Look-
out Prison, Md. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.
and released 6-14-65.

Krane, A. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 9, Richmond, Va., 3-9-64.

Lanahan, John, 10-10-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.
and released 6-14-65.

Landrum, L. B., 5-5-64 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Trans-
fered to 48th Mississippi Regiment, 11-1-64.

Langan, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle

19 7 7

301

of Gaines' Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged, 4-64, as permanently
disabled.

Leary, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Name placed on Roll of Honor. Sent
to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Released 6-14-65.

Loughry (Loughery), Oliver, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: 3rd Ser-

geant, 11-61. Wounded and captured at battle of Seven
Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged from Fort Monroe, Va., 8-31-62.
Retired due to disability caused by his wounds.

Lynch, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted to the enemy,

11-27-64.

Maher, Daniel, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Captured near Rich-

mond, Va., 6-28-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged, 8-5-62.

Maily (Maley) (Meely), John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted
at battle of Gaines' Mill, 6-7-62.

Mallon, John, 5-20-62 — Mobile, Ala. : Severely wounded at bat-
tle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged due to his wounds.
Man, E. S. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war

paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-22-65.

Martin, Bernard, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Discharged,
probably due to physical disability.

Mathers, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : 1st Corporal.

Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at
battle of 2nd Manassas, 8-31-62. Deserted at battle of
Ream’s Station, 6-29-64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y.
McAfee, George, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged due to phy-
sical disability.

McAfee, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

McCarron, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Sergeant,

6- 63. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg,

7- 4-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island,
New York Harbor. Exchanged at Camp Lee, Va., 9-63.
Captured at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Sent to El-
mira Prison, N. Y.

302

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

McCauley (McCirley), Roderick, 5-20-61— ‘Mobile, Ala.: Mor-

tally wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Died
in Richmond hospital, 7-27-62.

McCready, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Mortally wounded

at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Died at Chesapeake
U.S.A. General Hospital, Fort Monroe, Va., 7-17-62.

McDevitt, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va.,
8-5-62. Discharged due to physical disability.

McFeely, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Sent to Fort Monroe
Prison, Va. Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62.
Discharged due to physical disability.

McGlynn, Thomas, 5-2-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Never joined Com-

pany in Virginia.

Mcllwee, Andrew, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Deserted at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Remained in C. S. A. service.

McKeone, Hugh, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Wounded at battle of Weldon Railroad,

6- 23-64. Wounded at skirmish at Fussell’s Mill, 8-17-64.
Name placed on Roll of Honor. Captured, 4-12-65

McKeown, John: Sergeant. Captured at battle of Gettysburg,

7- 3-63. Sent to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island,
New York Harbor.

McManus, Francis, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle

of the Wilderness, 5-6-64.

McNiff, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness,
5-6-64.

Meely, Jchn, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Deserted at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Messer, Joseph, 5-25-64: Conscript. Present.

Moosback, A. : His name appears on a list of prisoners of war
exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62.

Moran, Francis, 5-10-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Mulligan, Peter, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Discharged 11-61.

Murphy, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Deserted his Company. Remained
in C. S. A.

19 7 7

303

Murphy, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Murphy, S. W., Died at Chesapeake General Hospital, Williams-
burg, Va., 6-13-62.

Myersberg (Meyersberg), Louis, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Drum-
mer. Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg,
7-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Took oath of
allegiance to the U.S.A.

Noonan, Timothy, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

O’Donnell, Edward 0., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Musician. Killed

at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

O’Neill (O’Neal), Cornelius, 5-20-61— Mobile, Ala.: Killed at

battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

O’Neill (O’Neal), George, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at

battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Discharge due to physical
disability.

Paterson, M. A. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of

war paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-23-65.

Pendergast, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle

of Gaines’ Hill, 6-27-62. Discharged as permanently dis-
abled.

Pendergast, W., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : His name appears on

original muster roll. No other information.

Perle (Pearl), William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Killed at battle
of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62.

Pickett, William, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Pitts, Norville, 5-5-64 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript. Record
of hospitalization at Raleigh, N. C. Paroled at Montgomery,
Ala., 5-9-65.

Powers, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62. 3rd Sergeant, 6-63. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Exchanged
7-30-63. Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Dis-
charged due to his wounds.

Powers, W., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : His name appears on origi-
nal Company muster roll.

Quill, Patrick, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and captured at
battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Exchanged n.d. Detailed
to C. S. A. arsenal, Selma, Ala.

Quinn, Michael, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Died of illness n.d.

304

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Regan, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged 10-14-62.

Regan, Michael L., 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Exchanged n.d.
Wounded at skirmish at Turkey Ridge, Va., 6-3-64. Sur-
rendered and took oath of allegiance to the U.S.A.

Riley, Joseph, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Transferred to C. S. Navy,
3-63.

Roberts, Archibald, 9-16-62 — Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript.

Detailed as Wagoner to the Regiment. Deserted to the
enemy, 3-65. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Rogers, A. J.: Transfered to the C. S. Navy.

Russell, Sylvester, 3-6-62 — Mobile, Ala. Transfered from Com-
pany H, 8th Alabama Infantry, 12-62. Wounded at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Wounded and captured at battle
of the Wilderness, 5-7-64. Paroled at Point Lookout Prison,
Md., and exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 3-15-65.

Ryan, James, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wagoner. Wounded at

battle of Sharpsburg, 8-17-62. Killed at battle of the
Petersburg Crater, 6-22-64. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Ryan, M. L. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-

pital, Petersburg, Va., and Howard’s Grove General Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va., in June and July, 1864.

Sexton, Michael, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Slightly wounded at

skirmish at New Market Bridge, near Newport News, Va.,
12-22-61. Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Shepherd, Alexander, 6-12-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Exchanged, 9-29-63.
Transfered to C. S. Navy.

Snelley, Stephen : Discharged due to old age and disability.

This man was 63 years old.

Smith, J. I., 10-10-64 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. His name

appears on a record of the Company as present, 1-1-65.

Smith, Thomas, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and captured
at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged, 8-11-62.
Wounded at battle of Gettysburg.

Spencer, J. R. : His name appears on a record of Confederate

soldiers paroled at Montgomery, Ala., 5-12-65.

Stafford, Bartholomew, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle
of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Sullivan, Daniel, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

19 7 7

305

Sullivan, Dennis, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Treated at U. S. A. Hospital, Chester,
Pa., and Hammond General Hospital, Point Lookout, Md.
Joined U. S. service, 1-25-64.

Sullivan, J. A. : His name appears on a receipt roll for cloth-

ing for the 1st quarter of 1864.

Sullivan, John, 9-3-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Substitute. Hos-

pitalized through much of the war.

Summers, William, 8-12-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript.

Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged, 2-10-65.

Swain, Isaac, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala. : Wounded and captured at
battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Exchanged from Fort Mon-
roe, Va., 8-31-62. Discharged due to his wounds.

Tallin, Thomas, 8-13-62 : Conscript. Captured at battle of

Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Not exchanged.

Taylor, N. : His name appears on a morning report of Jackson
Hospital, Richmond, Va., 5-18-64.

Tobin, Edward S., 5-22-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Wounded at battle

of Williamsburg, 5-5-62. Returned to duty. Died at How-
ard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 2-17-64, due
to an accidental wound.

Tompkins, J. A., 5-19-64 — Covington, Ala. : Conscript. Wounded
n.d.

Tremell, Arnold, 8-12-62 — Tallapoosa, Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died at Point Look-
out Prison, Md., 12-6-63.

Walker, Richard, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala, : Wounded at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged due to his wounds.

Walsh, John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Died of illness, 9-61.

Whitter (Whitler), John, 5-20-61 — Mobile, Ala.: Captured near
Boonsboro, Md., during Maryland campaign. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va.,
10-10-62.

Wood, W. H.: His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as transfered to Howard’s
Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 11-17-63.

Wright, James A., 8-20-62 — *Camp Watts, Ala. : Conscript.

Wounded at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-11-64.

306

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX N

Company “K”, 8th Regiment Alabama Volunteer Infantry
“Southern Guards”

This Company was raised on May 16, 1861, at Radfordshire,

Perry County, Alabama, and was mustered in C. S. A. service

on or about June 9, 1861, for the period of the war.

OFFICERS

Captain Duke Nall: Wounded at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.
Wounded at battle of the Wilderness, 5-6-64. Promoted to
Major of the Regiment, 11-2-64. Died of complications
from wound received at battle of the Wilderness.

Captain William L. Fagan: 2nd Lt., 5-16-61. Wounded at bat-
tle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. 1st Lt., 8-17-62. Captain,
11-2-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

1st Lt. William L. Butler: 5-16-61 to 3-18-62. Resigned.

1st Lt. Columbus L. Bennett: 2nd Lt., 5-16-61. 1st Lt., 3-18-62.
Died of wounds received at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

1st Lt. T. C. Monroe: Musician 5-16-61. Sergeant 1862.

Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged. 2nd
Lt^ 11-30-63. 1st Lt., 11-30-64. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

2ndLt.B.J. Fuller: Enlisted 5-16-61. 2nd Lt., 4-22^62. Killed
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

2nd Lt. James C. Nall: Corporal 5-16-61. 2nd Lt., 9-14-62.

Killed at battle of Spotsylvania C. H., 5-11-64.

Enlisted Ranks

Barron, R. H., 5-21-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Severely wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Subsequently died from his
wound, n.d.

Bennett, James S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Died of illness

at Yorktown, Va., 10-19-61.

Bennett, James M., 3-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Died of measles while prisoner of war,
9-20-63.

1977 307

Bennett, Newton, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded 1863.

Overstayed wounded furlough to Alabama. Died of pneu-
monia at General Hospital No. 2, Lynchburg, Va., 5-2-64.

Bennett, R. E., 2-12-63 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Captured at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died of typhoid fever at
U. S. General Hospital, Camp Letterman, Gettysburg, Pa.,
8-7-63.

Blackburn, John: His name appears on a register of deceased

Confederate soldiers from Alabama filed for settlement with
family.

Bledsoe, A. M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Present the entire

war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

jBledsoe, T. J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Severely wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-72. Returned to duty. Died
of illness in camp, 1-21-64, near Orange C. H., Va.

Bledsoe, William E,, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: 3rd Sergeant.

Slightly wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Died
of illness 10-27-62.

Bolling, John S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Captured at battle

of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Exchanged from Elmira Prison,
N. Y., 10-29-64.

Bolling, Sanders, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Captured at battle
of Wilderness, 5-6-64. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y.
8-15-64.

Boykin, George, 3-17-62 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged 2-18-65.

Boyd, John A. J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Va. : Died, 7-25-62, from
wounds received at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Boyd, W. L. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing
for 3rd quarter of 1862, and 1st quarter of 1863.

Brady, Andrew J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died, 6-30-62, at
Chimborazo Hospital No. 1, Richmond, Va.

Butler, D. W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 10-23-61.

Callahan, Thomas C., 5-16-61— Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-13-65.

Carleton, W. E., 5-16-61— Perry Co., Ala.: Captured at battle
of Williamsburg, 5-6-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison,
Del. Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Wounded
and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

308

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Cosby, J. R. : His name appears on a list.

Cathran, James: His name appears as a signature to a roll of

prisoners of war captured 4-16-63.

Chandler, C. J., 2-20-63— ‘Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Church, W. S., 11-7-62 — Culpepper, Va. : Detailed as Division

Teamster.

Cosby, Joseph W. : Discharged due to physical disability, 6-21-62.

Cosby, J. R., 3-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : In and out of hospitals
throughout war. Conscript.

Crocker, John M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Killed at battle of
Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Cummings, C. A., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Mortally wounded
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died 7-16-63.

Cummings, F. P., 2-15-62 — Perry Go., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-18-65.

Davis, Uriah, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Died at Petersburg General Hospital,
6-30-64.

Driver, F. A., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : 1st Sergeant. Died,

6-27-62, in Richmond, Va.

Dunklin, J. B., 2-7-62 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Wounded

and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort
Delaware Prison, Del. Died while in prison.

Edwards, F. M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Discharged 10-7-61.

Edwards, James, 2-18-63 — Marion, Ala.: Straggled after battle
of Gettysburg and captured near Fairfield, ' Pa., 7-5-63.
Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Took oath of allegiance
to the U. S. A. and released 6-15-65.

Edwards, James Jr., 5-16-61— Perry Co., Ala.: Died of illness
in Richmond, Va., 5-21-62.

Edwards, James Sr., 5-16-61— Perry Co., Ala.: Hospitalized

throughout most of 1861. No other information.

Edwards, S. A. : Discharged 3-16-63 by furnishing a substitute.

Edwards, W. J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Elliott, Toler E., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Captured at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged 3-64. Paroled at Marion,
Ala., 5-15-65.

19 7 7

309

England, W. S., 2-18-63 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Severely

wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Detailed to
Confederate arsenal, Selma, Ala., 10-1-64. Paroled at Selma,
6-65.

Fain, John W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Exchanged and treated
in Confederate hospitals. Returned to duty. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Fike, Charles E., 5-16-61 — iPerry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-18-65.

Fike, James H., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Gettysburg. Paroled for treatment in
Confederate hospitals in Richmond, Va. Returned to duty
by 6-3-64. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Filbert, W. S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Severely wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Hill, 6-27-62. Subsequently died from his
wounds.

Fiske, Charles E., 5-16-61 — Perry, Co., Ala. : Wounded at battle
of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured at battle
of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Paroled at Elmira Prison, N. Y.,

3- 10-65.

Ford, H. M., 3-7-62 — Perry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Died of ill-

ness in 1864.

Fowler, G. W. : Severely wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill,

6-27-62.

Fowler, Lawson : Died of illness near Fredericksburg, Va.,

4- 6-63.

Fowler, 0. C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Regimental Wagoner.
Captured during retreat from battle of Gettysburg, near
Williamsport, Md., 7-6-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison,
Del. Exchanged 2-18-65. Paroled at Selma, Ala., 6-65.

Frith, H. H., 2-15-63 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Captured at

battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Died of pneumonia, 8-28-63,
while prisoner of war at Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Frith, Joseph M., 6-1-61 — Richmond, Va. : Traveled from Ma-

rion, Ala., to enlist. Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill,
6-27-62. Later detailed as Wagoner.

Fuller, George W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill., 6-27-62. Paroled at Selma, Ala., 6-65.

Fuller, Jesse S., 3-17-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died of typhoid fever
in Richmond hospital, 8-14-62.

310

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Fuller, J. M., 3-7-62 — Perry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Wounded

and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to De-
camp General Hospial, David’s Island, New York Harbor.
Later given wounded parole.

Fuller, R. P. T., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to DeCamp
General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Given
wounded parole and treated in Richmond hospital. Paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Gambrel, W. T., 5-16-81 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort McHenry
Prison. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md., 1-23-64.
Paroled at Point Lookout, 2-18-65.

Garrison, Benjamin F., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded at
battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged, 8-9-62, due
to his wounds.

Garrison, John D., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Killed at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Garrison, Samuel D., 6-23-61 — Yorktown, Va. : Killed at battle

of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Garrison, S. Frank, 3-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and

captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-18-65.

George, M. D., 5-16-61— Perry Co., Ala. : Discharged due to

physical disability, 9-61.

Goocher, W. J., 5-14-64 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Green, J. P., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md.,
10-26-63. Exchanged 2-18-65. Paroled at Selma, Ala.,
6-65.

Green, W. P., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. Detailed as Teamster-
Ambulance Driver.

Griffin, John W., 3-17-62 — Perry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Name
placed on Roll of Honor for his bavery at battle of Gaines’
Mill, 6-27-62. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Griffin, Samuel F. : Name appears on a register of deceased

Alabama soldiers.

Hain, T. N. : Wounded at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-3-62.

Hanson, John W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Detailed as Regi-
mental Wagoner. Died of illness at Flint Hill, Va., 10-17-62.

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311

Harbour, C. C., 3-17-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Killed at battle of Peters-
burg Crater, 7-30-64.

Harbour, Ezekial T., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Served while

under age. Released 3-24-65. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Harbour, John R., 4-2-64 — Selma, Ala.: Conscript. Paroled at

Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Harley, Michael: Conscript. Wounded at battle of Salem

Church, 5-3-63. Died from his wounds, 5-31-63.

Harris, George C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Corporal. Wounded
at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Killed at battle of Enemy’s
Left Flank, Petersburg, 6-22-64.

Harris, J. P., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Sergeant Major.

Wounded at battle of the Petersburg Crater, 7-31-64.

Harris, Oliver M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62. Name placed on Roll of Honor.

Heard, R. J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Died as a prisoner of war. n.d.

Henly, Edward Jr., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and

captured at battle of Gettysburg. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md.
Transfered to Elmira Prison, N. Y., 8-17-64. Released
6-14-65.

Hicks, J. L., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: His name appears on

the first two muster rolls of the Company.

Higgins, P. W. : His name appears on a register of General

Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 10-15-62.

Hodge, W. L., 2-2-63 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Paroled at

Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Hodges, John W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of
Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Hopkins, Solomon, 5-16-61 — ’Perry Co., Ala. : Died near Bristol,
Va., 10-29-62.

Howard, Claiborn, 3-13-63: Conscript. Captured at battle of

Salem Church, 5-3-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.
Paroled. Discharged due to physical disability, 11-25-64.

Howard, Henry C., 11-14-63 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Died

of illness, 8-19-64.

Huff, James M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and cap-

312

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Hurt, H. H. : His name appears as a signature to a parole of

prisoner of war at Marion, Ala., 5-16-65.

Jackson, George, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Transfered to 10th
Georgia Regiment, 1-1-62.

Jackson, Thomas, 3-17-62: Conscript. Killed at battle of

Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Jones, B. B., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 7-23-61.

Jones, J. C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died of illness at York-
town, Va., 3-11-62.

Jones, John A., 2-3-63 — Marion, Ala. : Present for latter part

of the war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Jordan, J. D. M. : His name appears on a register of General

Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 1-14-64.

Langford, C. M. : Died of illness at 2nd Alabama Hospital, Rich-
mond, Va., 1-27-63.

Langford, J. B., 2-7-63 — Marion, Ala.: Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del., 10-27-63. Hospitalized at U. S. Hospital, Point
Lookout, Md., 11-63. Apparently given wounded parole.
Paroled at Selma, Ala., 6-65.

Langford, Neil, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: His name appears on
a Company muster roll for July and August, 1861.

Langston, L. C. : His name appears on a register for pay for the
period of 4-30-62 to 11-1-62.

Lawley, R. P., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Severely wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Discharged due to physical
disability caused by his wound, 7-30-62.

Logan, William Steward, 5-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Killed at

battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Lowery, Thomas, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died while home

on sick furlough, 6-20-62.

Mahan, John S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: His name appears

on a register of Chimborazo Hospital No. 1, Richmond, Va.,
as returned to duty, 6-24-62.

Marcus, James, 3-13-63: Substitute. Wounded and captured at
battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-63. Died while a prisoner of war
at Fort Delaware Prison, Del., 9-27-63.

Martin, B. F., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : 2nd Corporal. Ser-

geant 6-1-61. Captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63.

19 7 7

313

Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

McCollum, John H., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : 5th Sergeant.

Present with Company through 1864.

McMurry, A., 2-23-63 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Wounded,

place and date not known. Hospitalized frequently there-
after.

McWilliams, Andrew: Killed at battle of the Petersburg Crater,
7-30-64.

Melton, T. M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Hospitalized in Rich-

mond, Va., 12-61.

Meridith, J. T., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Captured at battle of
Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.,
Exchanged at Aiken’s Landing, Va., 8-5-62. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Meridith, W. S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Present with Com-
pany to 1864.

Mitchell, R. S., 5-16-64 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Hospitalized
frequently with illnesses.

Mock, George F., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died in camp,

4-24-63.

Molash, P. A. : His name appears on a roll of Confederate pris-
oners of war paroled at Talladega, Ala. 6-19-65.

Morris, J. R., 3-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded

at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H., 4-9-65.

Morris, J. S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Hospitalized at Orange
C. H., Va. His name also appears on a register of General
Hospital No. 9, Richmond, Va., 3-64. Paroled at Appo-
mattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Mulmer, P. A. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 3-22-65.

Nall, Robert W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-18-65. Paroled at Selma,
Ala., 6-65.

Nalley, J. J., 4-29-64 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Record of hos-
pitalization in Richmond, Va., hospital. Paroled at Appo-
mattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Nixon, J. T., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Discharged due to phy-
sical disability, 12-25-6L

Oakes, George W., 3-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Pa-

roled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

314

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Oakes, James M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Paroled at Appo-

mattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Oakes, W. Thomas, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died 9-15-61.

Oakes, William F., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : 3rd Sergeant.

Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Osborn, J. W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Parker, W. C. Y., 5-16-61— Ferry Co., Ala. : Transfered, 7-5-61,
to Colonel Morris’ Alabama Regiment.

Patillo, W. H., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of

Seven Pines, 6-1-62.

Perry, B. P., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded at battle of

Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded and captured at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Sent to Elmira Prison, N. Y. Took
oath of allegiance to the U. S. A. and released 6-19-65.

Peters, A. C. : His name appears on a list of deceased soldiers,
8-64.

Pike, J. K. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s Grove
General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 10-28-64.

Proctor, C. W., 2-2-63 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Paroled at

Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Radford, A, J. : Killed at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Ready, John L., 6-1-61 — Richmond, Va. : This soldier paid his
own expenses from Marion, Ala., to enlist. Present through-
out war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Reynolds, Alonzo, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of
Gettysburg, 7-3-63.

Reynolds, James: His name placed on Roll of Honor at battle
of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Mentioned for bravery at battle
of Gettysburg.

Richardson, James Madison, 3-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Con-

script. Wounded and captured at battle of Seven Pines,
6-1-62. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Received
wounded parole. Discharged due to physical disability
caused by his wound, 10-25-62.

Richardson, R. R., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Sergeant, Present
throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Richardson, T. J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-5-62. Sent to DeCamp
General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Ap-
parently given wounded parole since there is a record of
being on wounded furlough in Alabama.

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315

Robertson, J. R. : His name appears on a register for pay for

the period of 2-28-63 to 6-30-63.

Russell, J. N., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Mortally wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Died at General Hospital
No. 12, Richmond, Va., 8-31-62.

Russell, J. R., 10-15-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded at battle

of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Schoolhoffer (Schulhofer), Philip, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.:
Wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Shivers, J. B., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Corporal. Assigned

as Commissary Guard.

Shorths, S. P. : His name appears on a register of General Hos-
pital No. 9, Richmond, Va., as transfered to Alabama Hos-
pital, 7-20-63.

Smith, George M., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : 2nd Corporal. 4th
Sergeant 1863. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Smith, George W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-
tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Treated at Letterman
General Hospital, Gettysburg, Pa. Transfered to City
Point, Va. Given wounded parole and treated at Howard’s
Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 11-63. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Smith, J. : His name appears on a register of General Hospital
No. 21, Richmond, Va., as transfered from Camp Winder
General Hospital, 11-17-62.

Smith, T. J., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Killed at battle of

Sharpsburg, 9-17-62.

Sponsoby, W. W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Died of illness at
Danville, Va., 8-15-62.

Spratt, Samuel, 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Record of frequent

hospitalizations.

Sticks, J. D.: Discharged 11-26-61.

Strange, D. B., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Died of illness, 5-30-62.

Suttles, John W. Jr., 5-16-62 — Perry Co., Ala.: Died of a non-
combat injury, 6-30-62.

Suttles, M. B., Detailed as Teamster throughout war. Paroled at
Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Suttles, William W., 2-2-62 — Marion, Ala. : Conscript. Wounded
at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Wounded and captured
at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Received wounded parole.

316

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Taylor, William F. : His n,ame appears on a record for pay

in 1862.

Thompson, George W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded at

battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62. Wounded at battle of Salem
Church, 5-3-63. Paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Townsend, C. C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Died of illness at

Wynne’s Mill, Va., 12-10-61.

Townsend, William S., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63. Sent to DeCamp
General Hospital, David’s Island, New York Harbor. Re-
ceived wounded parole. Returned to duty. Wounded at bat-
tle of Burgess Farm, 10-27-64.

Wallace (Wallis), William, 2-1-63 — Perry Co., Ala.: Conscript.
Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-3-63.
Sent to DeCamp General Hospital, David’s Island, New
York Harbor. Received wounded parole and died at How-
ard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 7-4-64.

Watters, John O., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Present with Com-
pany through 2-63.

Watters, Samuel B. F., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Severely

wounded at battle of Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Wells, W. C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Permanently disabled

at battle of Frazier’s Farm, 6-30-62. Retired 9-20-64.

White, Perry S., 1-1-63 — Perry Co., Ala. : Wounded and cap-

tured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Dela-
ware Prison, Del. Died at Hammond U. S. A. General Hos-
pital, Point Lookout, Md., 11-11-63.

White, S. H., 3-17-62 — Perry Co., Ala. : Conscript. Wounded

and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-4-63. Permanently
disabled. Received wounded parole from Point Lookout,
Md., 4-27-64. Name placed on the Roll of Honor.

White, W. S. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va.

Williams, E. C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala. : Killed at battle of

Gaines’ Mill, 6-27-62.

Williams, Frank H., 6-1-61 — Richmond, Va. : This man paid

his own expenses to Richmond, Va., to join Company.
Wounded at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-63. Wounded and
captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort
McHenry, Baltimore, Md. Transfered to Fort Delaware
Prison, Del. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md.,

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317

where he received a wounded parole. Later treated at
Howard’s Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., 2-65.

Williams, H. : His name appears on a register of Howard’s

Grove General Hospital, Richmond, Va., as furloughed for
30 days to 3-6-65.

Young, George W., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Patient at Chim-
borazo Hospital, No. 1, Richmond, Va., 12-13-61 to 3-25-62,
and again from 5-31-62 to 6-12-62.

Young, H. C., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Captured at battle

of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.,
7-6-63. Transfered to Point Lookout Prison, Md., 10-23-63.
Exchanged 2-18-65. Paroled at Selma, Ala., 6-65.

Young, James C., 3-17-62 — -Perry Co., Ala.: Conscript.

Wounded and captured at battle of Gettysburg, 7-2-63. Sent
to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Exchanged 2-18-65. Pa-
roled at Selma, Ala., 6-65.

Young, Joseph M., Jr., 5-16-61 — Perry Co., Ala.: Present with

Company throughout war. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Young, Joseph M., Sr., 2-18-63 — Marion, Ala.: Conscript. Pres-
ent through 1863. Patient at General Hospital, Peters-
burg, Va., 6-20-64, and General Hospital No. 9, Richmond,
Va., 7-1-64.

318

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

APPENDIX 0— Supernumeraries

The following names are listed, in the compiled service records

of Confederate soldiers who served in organizations from the

State of Alabama, as assigned to the 8th Regiment Alabama

Volunteer Infantry, but no Company was designated. Very little,

if any, other information was available.

Bennett, William W. : Assigned to the Regiment, but never
reached the command due to chronic rheumatism.

Blount, W. H. : Died of illness at Howard’s Grove General Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va., 1-16-63.

Boland, A.

Bowling, H. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Brown, John S.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Broyles, B. F. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Broyles, George: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Brum, David: Teamster in Quartermaster Corps.

Butler, James: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Churchill, D.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Coleman, J. F. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Collins, Rice: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Cona, G.: His name appears on a register of a Richmond hos-
pital, 1-20-64.

Conklin, J.: Sergeant. Captured at battle of Salem Church, 5-3-
63. Sent to Fort Delaware Prison, Del. Paroled at Fort
Delaware.

Cook, Enoch: His name appears on a prisoner of war roll at
Old Capitol Prison, Washington, D. C., 3-21-63.

Cook, F. M.: His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., 2-20-63. Listed as paroled
at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Cumby, A. B.: Died of illness, 11-4-62, at Camp Winder Hos-
pital, Richmond, Va.

Delannon (DeLamar), Eugene: Sergeant. Deserted to the
enemy, 3-3-63.

Derden, W. D. : His name appears on a register of the Medical
Director’s Office, Richmond, Va., 1-18-63.

Donnell, J. M. : His name appears on a register of Camp Winder
Hospital, Richmond, Va., as patient.

19 7 7

319

Evans, James, 8-28-62 — Henry Co., Ala.: Conscript. Discharged,
4-20-63.

Evans, J. H.: Corporal. Captured at battle of Seven Pines, 5-
31-62. Died while a prisoner of war, 6-28-62.

Ferguson, W. A.: Lieutenant. His name appears on a register
of General Hospital No. 4, Richmond, Va., 5-9-64, with the
remark of ‘Paroled prisoner’.

Fogg, W. R.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Gamble, M. J. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Gandey, A. E.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Garrod, J. D., 9-7-62 — Montgomery, Ala.: His name appears on
a Camp Winder Hospital, Richmond, Va., muster roll,

I- 1-63.

Golson, W. W., 8-13-62 — Camp Watts, Ala.: Conscript. Dis-
charged due to physical disability, 1 1-18-62, before full
assignment to a Company.

Goodson, C.: Died of typhoid fevef*, 10-27-62.

Goodson, J.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Griffin, R. F.: Died of pneumonia at Camp Winder Hospital,
Richmond, Va., 11-26-62.

Hamilton, E. E.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Harman, T. W. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Hense, P. : His name appears on a register of deserters or
refugees at Provost Marshall, Washington, D. C., 7-1-65.
Hogg, J. F. : Conscript. Discharged due to physical disability,

II- 22-62.

Hosley, G.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Iron, T. P.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Jenkins, B. H. : His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-23-65.

Jones, James M.: Conscript. Deserted to the enemy, 6-15-64.

Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Jordan, W. D. (T) : His name appears on a register of Howard’s
Grove Hospital, Richmond, Va., 3-26-63.

Joy, W. H.: His name appears on a list of prisoners of war on
the Steamer KATSKILL, 8-5-62.

Keane, M.: His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing for
July, 1864.

Leigh, H. B.: His name appears on a register for pay as Chief
Musician, 1864.

Lewis, F.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.
Livingston, A. J.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

320

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Lofton, A.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Long, E.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Long, J.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

McVay, G. W.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Meadows, W.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Miner, Peter: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Martin, F.: Captured at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62. Sent to
Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Nere, James : His name appears on a descriptive list of prisoners
of war captured at battle of Seven Pines, 6-1-62, and sent
to Fort Delaware Prison, Del.

Newman, L.: His name appears on a register of men paroled
at Selma, Ala., 5-65.

Ovey, F. : Deserted. Took oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Padgett, W. (Wiley) : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Palmer, P. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Parramore, W. R. : His name appears on a receipt roll for cloth-
ing for the 4th quarter of 1864. Paroled at Appomattox
C. H. r 4-9-65.

Posel, M. : Conscript. Died of typhoid fever at Camp Winder
Hospital, Richmond, Va., 11-16-62.

Prayton, John: His name appears on a register that indicates
that he was in Union hands during the last days of the
war. His transportation was furnished to Decatur, Ala.

Province, Levi M.: Deserted to the enemy. Took oath of al-
legiance to the U. S. A.

Pumphrey, Roland: Deserted to the enemy in early 1863. Took
oath of allegiance to the U. S. A.

Ray, W. W. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Roberson, G. P. : His name appears on a register of General
Hospital No. 21, Richmond, Va., 10-2-6?

Rutledge, J. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Sartin, E. B. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Shirley, W. : His name appears on a receipt roll for clothing for
the 4th quarter of 1864. Paroled at Appomattox C. H.,
4-9-65.

Soloman, A. L.. Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Staggers, J. A.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Stewart, C. E.: 1st Lieutenant. His name appears on a list of
prisoners of war captured at Tuskegee, Ala.: 4-14-65.

Taylor, A.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

19 7 7

321

Thompkins, J. L. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Turner, A. J. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Vaughn, W. B.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Walters, B. F. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Whiley, J.: His name appears on a register of deserters at Pro-
vost Marshall, Washington, D. C., 4-6-65. Took oath of al-
legiance to the U. S. A. and transportation furnished to
New York City.

Willis, J. J.: Died of pneumonia at Camp Winder Hospital,
Richmond, Va., 11-8-62.

Wilson, A. G. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Womac, W. : Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

Wyatt, Ira: His name appears on a roll of prisoners of war
paroled at Talladega, Ala., 5-23-65.

Young, F. M.: Listed as paroled at Appomattox C. H., 4-9-65.

THE

ALABAMA HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY

Vol. XL SPRING and SUMMER, 1978 Nos. 1 & 2

Published by the

ALABAMA STATE DEPARTMENT
OF

? 7 £ , /OS'

r* / /

ARCHIVES AND HISTORY

THE

ALABAMA HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY

Vol. XL SPRING and SUMMER, 1978 Nos. 1 & 2

CONTENTS

The Storming of Mobile Bay edited by Richard D. Duncan 6

A Changing of the Guard : Joseph C. Manning and Populist

Strategy in the Fall of 1894 by Paul Pruitt , Jr 20

“The Husbandman that Laboureth Must be First Partaker
of the Fruits” (2 Timothy 2:6) : Agricultural Reform in
Ante Bellum Alabama by William W. Rogers, Jr 37

Up the Tombigbee with the Spaniards: Juan De La

Villebeuvre and the Treaty of Bouchfouca (1793)
by Jack D. L, Holmes 51

The Holtville School : A Progressive Education Experiment

by William B . Lauderdale 62

The Centennial Celebration of the Battle of Horseshoe

Bend by Paul A. Ghioto _ 78

BOOK REVIEWS

Hammett, Hilary Abner Herbert: A Southerner Re-
turns to the Union, by Hugh C. Davis 86

Fink and Reed (Editors), Essays in Southern Labor
History: Selected Papers, Southern Labor History
Conference , 1976, by Don L. Fox, Jr 90

Meier and Rudwick, Along the Color Line , by Duncan
R. Jamieson 92

Owens (Editor), Perspectives and Irony in American

Slavery, by Michael V. Woodward 98

Gaither, Blacks and the Populist Revolt, by William W.

Rogers 95

Albaugh and Traylor, Coliirene, The Queen Hill,

by Margaret Pace Farmer 96

Brantley, Early Settlers Along the Old Federal Road
in Monroe and Conecuh Counties Alabama, by
Margaret Pace Farmer _ 97

Thornton, Politics and Power in a Slave Society: Ala-
bama, 1800-1860, by William L. Barney 99

Milo B. Howard, Jr., Editor

Published by the

ALABAMA STATE DEPARTMENT
OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Montgomery, Alabama

SKINNER PRINTING COMPANY

INDUSTRIAL TERMINAL
MONTGOMERY, ALABAMA

CONTRIBUTORS

RICHARD R. DUNCAN is an associate professor of history at
Georgetown, University, Washington, D.C.

PAUL GHIOTO is park historian at Horseshoe Bend National
Military Park in Tallapoosa County, Alabama.

JACK D. L. HOLMES is a professor of history at the Uni-
versity of Alabama in Birmingham, Alabama.

WILLIAM B. LAUDERDALE is an associate professor in the
School of Education at Auburn University, Auburn, Ala-
bama.

PAUL PRUITT, JR., is on the faculty at Alexander City
Junior College, Alexander City, Alabama.

WILLIAM WARREN ROGERS, JR. is a doctoral candidate at
Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

THE STORMING OF MOBILE BAY
Edited by

Richard R. Duncan

For a war weary Union the summer of 1864 offered little
cause for rejoicing. Both the armies of Grant and Sherman
seemed to be hopelessly stalemated before Petersburg and At-
lanta, while General Jubal Early swept down the Shenandoah
Valley to threaten the very security of Washington itself. Only
the navy had offered Unionists much encouraging hope. The
destruction of the Shenandoah , the Confederacy's fame raider,
and finally the stunning victory at Mobile Bay by Admiral
David G. Farragut gave at least some solace in the military
and political gloom of August of that year.

For two years following the fall of New Orleans Farragut
had hoped to direct an expedition against the troublesome port
of Mobile. 1 However, frustrating postponements and diver-
sions had prevented any such move until the summer of 1864.
Unfortunately, delay had also allowed the Confederacy to
strengthen Mobile's defenses and to complete the construc-
tion of the formidable ironclad, the C.S.S. Tennessee, to aid
in the defense of the harbor. Yet, despite an elaborate Con-
federate defense 'system consisting of obstructions, a mine field,
forts, and the Tennessee, a determined Farragut struck at Mo-
bile on August 5th. 2

Mobile, a city with a population of 29,2 58 on the eve of the Civil War, was the
last major Gulf coast port remaining in Southern hands. During the war Mobile
become one of the South’s principal blockade-running harbors.

Three forts Fort Morgan on Mobile Point, Fort Gaines on Dauphin Island, and
Fort Powell in Grant’s Pass — protected the lower bay. Fort Morgan, the most
important and structurally the most elaborate, commanded the main channel. A
mine or torpedo” field on the eastern side of Dauphin Island narrowed the use of
the main channel and made Fort Morgan’s command over the bay’s entrance a
formidable one. In addition three small paddlewheel gunboats, the Morgan,
Gaines , and Selma unarmored except for iron strips around their boilers — and
the ironclad, the Tennessee , provided naval protection for the harbor. The Ten-
nessee was more than 200 feet in length and had six-inch armor. She suffered,
however, from two marked liabilities: her top speed was only six knots, and her
stearing gear was vulnerable to attack. For an account of the entire operations
against Mobile Bay see Shelby Foote, The Civil War ; A Narrative (New York,
1974), III, pp. 492-508.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Witnessing the assault and fury of the ensuing battle was
a young twenty-year old ensign, Purnell Frederick Harrington. 3
Son of Delaware’s Chancellor, Samuel Maxwell Harrington, 4
he had attended the Naval Academy for two years when in
October, 1863, he received his appointment as a ensign. By the
following July he had become a member of Farragut’s Gulf
squadron. Fortunately, Harrington also recorded his experi-
ences and observations of the attack in a series of letters 5 * * 8
to his father and brother, Samuel. ‘ J Not only was Harrington
a keen observer and recorder of events, but in them he vividly
captured the excitement and emotional catharsis of battle.

U.S.S. Monongahela

Off Mobile, July 6th, 1864

Dear Sam —

I have time to write you a note. I presume you will read

3 Purnell Frederick Harrington (1844-1937), born in Dover, Delaware, was the son
of Samuel Maxwell Harrington, Chancellor of Delaware. He attended the Naval
Academy from September, 1861, until October, 1863, when he was appointed as
an ensign. During the Civil War he served on the Ticonderoga, Niagara, and
Monongahela. In the summer of 1864 he joined the blockading fleet in the Gulf

of Mexico and participated in the attack on Mobile Bay. Following the war he
quickly rose in the ranks of the navy and distinguished himself in various posi-
tions. In 1903 he was promoted to the rank of rear admiral. The National

Cyclopaedia of American Biography (New York, 1939), XXVII, 482-483.

*Samuel Maxwell Harrington (1803-1865), born in Dover, Delaware, was a
graduate of Washington College in Maryland and studied law in the offices of
Henry M. Ridgely and Martin W. Bates. He was admitted to the bar in 1826
and two years later he was appointed to the position of secretary of state. In
1830 he became chief justice of Delaware’s supreme court. With the reorganiza-
tion of that court he was appointed as an associate justice on the new superior
court and served in this capacity until 1855 when he was made chief justice.
Two years later he became chancellor. He was also a principal figure in the
development of the Delaware Railroad and became its president on its organization
in 1852. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1932), VIII, 302-303.

‘Privately owned.

8 Samuel Milby Harrington (1840-1878), born in Dover, Delaware, was the eldest
son of Samuel Maxwell Harrington and brother of Purnell Frederick. He was a
graduate of Delaware College and studied law under his father and Chancellor
Bates. He was admitted to the bar in 1861 and in the following year he was
appointed adjutant-general by the governor of Delaware. In 1863 he was made
secretary of state. J. Thomas Scharf, History of Delaware (Philadelphia, 1888),
I, 595-596.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

my letters to Father since I arrived here. The passage down
was not very pleasant. The transom on which we were to
sleep was filled with bedbugs and I refused to sleep there.
Several of us made our bed together on the deck of the ward-
room. We passed the New Ironsides on her way home. On
the second day out we spoke the Tioga bound north from Key
West with yellow fever. Six of her men and three officers
had died in three days. We sent her first officer on board and
gave her some ice. On Sunday week we chased a -steamer
laden with cotton. She escaped. On the Tuesday following
we arrived at Key West where we left Gillett, Hoff and Irvin.
Found fever there but not very fierce. Left Key West and
after three very hot and uncomfortable days arrived here at
sunset on Thursday last. Several of my classmates came on
board at once and we had quite a jubilee. On Friday, July 1st,
at 9 A. M. we went on board the Hartford 7 and reported to
Farragut. I had a very fine letter to Captain Drayton, the
Fleet Captain, from my friend Capt. C. R. P. Rodgers. It
secured me consideration at once and I was ordered to this
vessel. I came right on board and found her underway to shell
a rebel steamer under Fort Morgan. I was given a Division
at once and in a few minutes from the time I joined her I was
under fire. These shells make a horrible noise when they
come at ye. I think “he is not brave who feels no fear, but
he who nobly dares what nature shrinks from.” I certainly did
not feel frightened only a little nervous when I saw a shell burst
right over my head. I stood still because of a con[sjciousness
that in that I [sic] way it was my duty to give my men courage.

I soon became tolerably accustomed to it. I have been under
fire three times since. On the Fourth, we had the customary
salutes at noon. At 1 P.M. on that day, the Adm'l signalled
us to engage the fort, two other vessels to fight two shore
batteries near Fort Morgan, and two more to fire on the
steamer. We fired thirty four shells at the fort, eleven drop-
ping near the flagstaff and the remainder striking the fort
outside. This is the last fight I have been in. We were not
hurt.

I like the ship very much. I will write you more about the
ship, blockade, etc. Our Capt. is Commander Jas. H. Strong —

U.S.S. Hartford was Farragut’s flagship.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

a very good old fellow. We have a very pleasant time in the
wardroom. Four of us give a concert for the benefit of the
other officers nearly every evening. The Adm’l considers this
his fighting ship. We have the post of honor nearest the harbor
and right in the channel and must be the first vessel to meet
the ironclads when they come out. We have an iron bow and
can steam fourteen knots. We have written orders to run
down the rebs when they appear. I dined with the Captain
yesterday when he told me this last item. I will write to you
soon again. Read my letter to Father.

I remain, Your Aff’te brother
S.M.H. Jr. P. F. Harrington

Ensign

P. S. Remember me to Arthur 8 and friends.

It is very warm here

[First portion of the letter is missing.]

[To his Father]

| At 2 P. M. we stood in and renewed the engagement. At 3,

! we steamed away and anchored near the admiral. We were
| struck but once during the fight and had no one hurt. The
\ Metacomet had one man killed and one wounded. So ended
my first fight. We are now anchored off our night station
r to the southward of Fort Morgan. We have all our guns
j trained to fire on the rebel ironclads in case they should come
out, and we are ready to throw up rockets, etc., to bring the
v whole fleet into action at once.

The Monongahela is considered the finest ship here. She
is precisely like the Ticonderoga in appearance but is finer and
! faster. We are the fastest ship of the fleet, steaming fifteen
(15) knots at full speed. The motion is easy and pleasant.
When I received my orders this morning, all the officers of
the Hartford congratulated me on joining the finest ship in

“Arthur Milby, a cousin.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

the squadron. Rathbone and Dana seemed to envy me very
much. They remained on board the Flagship till this afternoon
when they were to receive their orders. I have not heard
where they go, but suppose they have >ships by this time. The
squadron is full of fine vessels. The Lackawanna, Seminole,
Hartford, Brooklyn, Richmond, Galena, and the Metacomet are
a few of them. Everyone seems to think, though, that this
is the desirable vessel. The accommodations are fine and her
officers nice fellows. I give you her officers — Commanding
Officer, Commander James H. Strong; Executive Officer, Lieut.
Roderick Prentiss; Lieutenant, 0. A. Batcheller; Ensign Mullan
of my class with myself and two Acting Ensigns - — very nice
fellows. We have also Assistant Paymaster Forbes Parker,
Surgeon Kindleburger, Assistant Surgeon Lewis, and a fine
Chief Engineer whose name I do not know. The subordinate
officers are fine men. We have a very heavy battery and can
fight a rebel ironclad. We have a massive stern of iron, and
as we are so fast it is understood that we are to run down the
rebel ironclads when they appear. Two or three of our iron-
clads are expected here in a few days from the north.

It is said here that my class will be examined for Lieu-
tenants in October and November next. It is not unlikely. The
Monongahela has been here 19 months and has received over
200 shots. She was through the New Orleans & Port Hudson
fights. She will go north for repairs next spring. Think I
may come home then if I don’t get transferred to another
ship, even if I do not come north for examination in the winter.
Write at once.

I remain, your loving son,

Hon. S. M. Harrington P. F. Harrington

P.S. It is hot down here. Very truly yours, P. F. H.

Ill

P. S. Being in a hurry for the mail, I scribbled off a hurried
note of the news to Father. Show him this and he will under-
stand me better. P. F. H.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

U.S.S. Monongahela

Off Mobile, July 17, 1864

Dear Sam,

I write to inform you that the long-expected attack on
Mobile is about to take place. Farragut issued a general order
yesterday directing the preparations and giving the general plan
for attack. Each regular man-of-war will have lashed to her on
the off side a small gunboat. We go in with the flood tide and
open with shot & shell. When within 300 or 400 yards we are
to use grape and canister. Each vessel will be protected by
chain slung outside and by sand bags inside. Howitzers will be
mounted in the tops to drive the enemy from their guns. We
shall use a S. W. wind which will blow our smoke right on the
fort. The order of Farragut is well written. He commences
with the command “Strip your vessels and prepare for the con-
flict/’ In one of his sentences you can see the grandeur of his
bravery — “/ shall go in with the flood tide.” It says that there
is no defeat. It is “Victory or death.” The fleet wonders at such
courage. Troops from New Orleans will throw up works on
Mobile Pt. in rear of Fort Morgan and on Sand Island opposite
to the fort. They will land and work under the protection of our
fleet. Several of our vessels will take position outside at right
angles to the line of battle and thus give a flanking fire. I will
try to give you a rough sketch of the plan.

4 "

12 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Now you see the fleet going up the channel [,] a small gunboat
being on the port side to take the man-of-war through in case of
disability. Several vessels in the Swash Channell [sic] give a
flank fire. + represents shoal water. The order of battle is as
follows; Brooklyn, Hartford (Flagship), Richmond , Lackawanna ,
Monongahela , Ossipee, Seminole, Oneida, and Galena. Besides
these we shall have the San Jacinto and five ironclads, two
double turretted, and any number of smaller ships, many of
which will be left outside. The fight ought to last about three
hours [,] each vessel being one hour under fire. My vessel comes
no. 5 in the line, as good a place as one could wish. It was an-
nounced that the Adm’l would lead but the Captains of the fleet
persuaded him to let the Brooklyn, Capt. Alden, lead, reasoning
that the first ship might be blown up by torpedoes and that the
Flag ought not to risk that chance. 0 We shall go to Pensacola
some time this week to prepare for the fight. It is understood
that the attack will be made about the 30th inst. or as soon as
we can get ready. No one doubts our success. It will certainly
be one of the grandest scenes [The remainder of the letter is
missing.]

U.S.S. Monongahela
Mobile Bay, Aug. 5th, 1864

Dear Father,

We have fought this day one of the most terrific and ter-
rible but one of the most glorious of the war. We got underway
at 4 o’clock this morning and steamed in. We had a horrible
fight with the fort. After coming in and beating off the rebel

The Brooklyn was also equipped with a "cowcatcher or torpedo catcher.” As
planned, it took the lead in the line of wooden ships, but as it was beginning to
overtake the monitor Chickasaw, the Brooklyn slowed. Captain James Alden
signalled the Hartford for instructions, but meanwhile an explosion resulting in
the sinking of the monitor Tecumseh by a mine added to the confusion. When
the smoke cleared, a row of suspicious buoys were seen ahead of the Brooklyn.
To avoid potential disaster the ship stopped and attempted to back away in order
to clear them. Impatient, Farragut, assuming the risk, passed the Brooklyn, took
the lead, and uttered his famous charge. Official Records of Union and Con-
federate Navies in the War of Rebellion (Washington, 1906), Ser. 1, Vol. 21,
403 and 445-447, and Foote, Civil War, 500-501.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

gunboats, the rebel ram Tennessee attacked us. This ship led
the way into her, ramming her twice. The whole fleet walked
into her and she finally surrendered. She is just like the
Atlanta 10 but twice as powerful. She is the greatest capture of
the war. Our loss is severe. This vessel is the glory of the fleet.
I never saw such glorious bravery in my life. I am proud of
this day. We have lost our Ex. Off. Lieut. Roderick Prentiss.
He has had one leg amputated and will probably die. We had
only four or five others hurt. The Hartford has 12 killed, 20
wounded, Brooklyn 14 K, 20 W\, Oneida 30 K, & W. The monitor
Tecumseh is blown up and nearly all lost. * 11 This goes by flag
of truce to Pensacola at once. I am unhurt.

Your loving Son.

P. F. Harrington

Will write at length soon. P. F. H.

P. S. Excuse haste in which I have written. I have not had
time to say what I wish and of course have hurried. P. F. H.

U.S.S. Monongahela
Mobile Bay , August 7th, 1864

Dear Father,

I write to-day to give you an account of our great battle
of Friday. We were underway at 5.30, and steamed into line.

10 The Atlanta was a converted British steamship, the Fingal, which had been used
in blockade-running. But with the effective closing up of the Savannah harbor
and the bottling up of the Fingal, she was now rebuilt into the ironclad, Atlanta.
In June, 1863, Lieutenant William A. Webb, now in command of the ironclad,
attempted to do battle with the Union monitors, W eehatvken and Nahant, but
unfortunately the Atlanta ran aground and was forced to surrender. J. Thomas
Scharf, History of the Confederate States Navy (Repr.: New York, 1977),
638-644.

ll Farragut in a report on August 8, 1864 reported losses, excluding those of the
Tecumseh, of 52 killed and 170 wounded. Official Records, 406-413.

J. Thomas Scharf cites Union losses, including those of the Tecumseh at 172
killed and 170 wounded. Later estimates placed the loss of the Tecumseh at 120
alone. Scharf places Confederate losses at 12 killed and 19 wounded. Scharf,
Confederate States Navy, 573 and 573n.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

A few minutes later we beat to quarters and hoisted the Ameri-
can ensign at Fore, Main, Mizzen, and Peak. At 7.7, the first
gun was fired from Fort Morgan and was answered immedi-
ately from the Brooklyn. The shot & shell from over a hundred
guns on each side were soon flying in the air. The first shot
that -struck this ship wounded our 1st Lieut. & Ex. Officer,
Lieut. Roderick Prentiss, in both legs. The left one was am-
putated but he died in eighteen hours. A few minutes after
that shot, the rebel ram Tennessee made for the Hartford.
Seeing this we put our helm hard down and ran into him at
full speed; but being encumbered with a gunboat alongside
we did not hurt her. As she swept by us, her flag, already
shot to pieces, was shot away. We thought she had surrendered
and we yelled. We steamed by the Bay engaging Fort Gaines
on our way. The rebel gunboats had taken refuge behind the
fort (Morgan) except the Selma. She was followed by two of
our vessels and captured. At 9.40 the fight was over and
we were preparing to anchor when we saw the Rebel ram
Tennessee hoist her battle flag and steam towards us. She
made for this vessel. We steamed ahead at full speed to run
her down. She fired a shotted gun at the Hartford in defiance.
The Adm’l then signalled us to run her down. We ran into
her at full speed but could not sink her while our steam is
badly broken. We poured a broadside into her and then pre-
pared to ram again. The “Lackawanna” then ran into her
and afterwards gave her a broadside. Then the Hartford ,
glorious ship, ran alongside of her and fired her broadside
while her guns almost touched the ram. The Brooklyn and
two ironclads then followed. We shot away her smoke stack,
all steergear, & everything we could get at. As we ran her
down the second time, she fired two rifled shells into us, laying
waste our berth deck and wounding several men. She finally
surrendered to the fleet. This fight lasted an hour and was
glorious. I went on board immediately after the fight to
receive our share of prisoners. She was just as good as ever,
but her steering gear being gone and chimney shot away so
that steam was going down and her men being suffocated, she
surrendered. The 15 in. guns of the ironclads crushed in her
sides in one place. One man was blown to pieces by a shot
striking him through the port. She is the best ram ever taken.
Our loss is severe. This vessel had Lieut. Prentiss killed and

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

about ten wounded, three badly. The Hartford had 18 men
killed and about 20 wounded, the AdmTs Secretary, Higgin-
bottom, being killed. The Brooklyn had 11 killed and 20
wounded. The Richmond had 5 or 6 killed and about 6 wounded.
The Oneida had about 15 killed and 1515 [sic] wounded. Her
boilers were shot through and scalded nearly all her engineers.
The remaining vessels averaged about 8 or 10 each in killed
& wounded. The Tecumseh was blown up by a torpedo and
sank in two minutes with all on board except one Ensign and
about 12 men.

Yesterday morning Fort Powell surrendered to us. This
gives us free communication with the outside through Grant's
Pass. Fort Gaines offered to surrender on terms today. The
Adm’l said “unconditional” and they refused. We will have
it in a week. The Metacomet took our wounded to Pensacola
yesterday. She came in to-day. She went out by Fort Morgan
under a flag of truce. The Admiral has thanked the officers
and men of the fleet. By Genl. Order we performed Divine
Service to-day in thanksgiving for so glorious a victory. We
are in fine spirits, but mourn our loss greatly. Our loss will
be nearly two hundred in killed & wounded. Besides these we
lost Capt. T. A. M. Graven and about 90 officers and men
in the Tecumseh . Admiral Buchanan, 12 the “Merrimack” man,
was captured with the “Tennessee.” His leg was broken and
will probably be amputated. We have three officers and seven-
teen men prisoners aboard here. We shall glory in this battle
to our dying hour. I am proud of the humble share I had in

^Franklin Buchanan (1800-1874), born in Baltimore, entered the U. S. Navy in
1815. In 1845 he was chosen by the Secretary of Navy to organize the Naval
Academy, and he served as its first superintendent until 1847. He participated
in the Mexican war and commanded Commodore Perry’s flagship on his expedition
to Japan. On the eve of the Civil War he was commandant of the Washington
navy yard. With the attack on Massachusetts troops in Baltimore on April 19,
1861 Buchanan, believing that Maryland would secede, resigned his commission.
But when Maryland made no such move, he asked to be reinstated in the navy,
only to be refused. In the following September he entered the Confederate Navy
and superintended the outfitting of the M errimac in Hampton Roads and com-
manded it on its first day’s attack on the federal fleet. He was promoted to
admiral in the Confederate Navy and was put in charge of the naval defense of
Mobile. James Grant Wilson and John Fiske, eds., Appletons ’ Cyclopaedia of
American Biography (New York, 1891), I, 428, and Jon L. Wakelyn, Biographi-
cal Dictionary of the Confederacy (Westport, Conn., 1977), 116.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

it and shall always be proud that I had command of sixty of
the bravest hearts in the world. I had made up my mind to
do my duty. I ascribe my -self possession to the resolution. I
had not an extra heart-throb, except when success dawned and
then I felt such pride and such a-good-all-over-feeling-that I
wonder I did not go up in the smoke. I’ll go through a dozen
battles to feel that way again. You will read the paper accounts
and with this letter get an idea of the fight. No one who did
not see it will ever fully appreciate it. During the battle, the
wildest yet controlled enthusiasm prevailed. Officers and men
were alike roused to glory. Prentiss remarked as he was
carried forward, “It is only both legs, Back”, and a smile lit
up his countenance at his sorry joke. Hearing cheering on deck,
he cheered the flag, while the knife was cutting him. He was
married four months ago. I could, but cannot for want of time,
write you incidents without number of heroism, coolness, &
noble courage. Our captain has made no distinction but recom-
mends every officer and man in the highest terms.

Love to Mother and all the family. Send me stamps and
also a good lot of note paper & envelopes to match. I am entirely
out. Send price & I will refund.

Your loving Son,

P. F. Harrington

U.S.S. Monongahela
Mobile Bay, La. [sz'c]

Agu. 18th, 1864

Dear Sam,

I was refreshed to-day with your letter and papers and
letters from Father, Dick, 13 and an old classmate, Chadwick
of the 1st Class at the Academy. I have rec’d but one letter

Richard Harrington (1847-1884), brother of Purnell Frederick, was a graduate
of Georgetown College and studied law under Nathaniel B. Smithers. He was
admitted to the bar, and in the early 1870’s he was a prominent lawyer in Wash-
ington.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

before since I came down and was anxious to hear from you.
I hasten to write again to you. You have read before this
the newspaper accounts of our great fight, the most glorious
but terrible of the war. This vessel was a star performer,
second to no one. On Friday, Aug. 5th at 4 A. M. I took the
deck of this vessel and prepared to steam in. At 5 :30, we were
underway and Capt. Strong took the deck. I then went to my
Division. We steamed in in three lines, thus

Octorara

Metacomet

Port Royal

Seminole

Kennebeck

Itasca

Galena

Brooklyn

Hartford

Richmond

Lackawanna

Monongahela

Ossipee

Oneida

Tecumseh

Manhattan

Winnebago

Chickasaw

Rebel Ram
Fort Morgan

The four iron-clads stood in under the fort till within 200 yards.
The second line passed the fort at a distance of 400 or 500 yards.
The outer line, the Octorara and vessels under, were lashed on
the port-side of the centre line, as I have arranged them on the
preceding page. At 6.25 the Chickasaw fired a gun at the
fort. As 7. the battle opened with a gun from the fort answered
at once by the Brooklyn. In a few minutes over 100 guns on
each side were at work. Shot, shell, and grape flew as thick
as apples fall from a tree in a hurricane. I had command of
one XI inch gun, from which I fired shells weighing 135 pounds
and solid shot of 187 pounds, also two 32 pounders and two 24
pound howitzers. One of my 32’s was worked by Acting Ensign
and gun’s crew from the Kennebeck under my direction. At
8, a solid shot struck our Ex. Officer, Lieut. Roderick Pren-
tiss. He died soon after. At 8.10, the Tecumseh was blown up
by a torpedo and sunk with all on board except one Acting
Master, one Acting Ensign and twelve or fourteen men. At
8.15, the Rebel Ram Tennessee was seen to steam for the
Lackawanna , the vessel ahead of us, to run her down. We
put on all steam and ran into her. We saved the Lackawanna.
As we approached her she snapped two heavy guns at us twice.
Had they gone off our slaughter would have been fearful.
Encumbered with a heavy gunboat, we were not able to get
much way on her. We struck her a light blow and as she
swept down by our port side, one of the guns which had refused
to go off into us was fired into the Kennebeck and after killing

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

several men set her on fire. We then cast off from the Kenne-
beck and left her. As the ram passed our quarter, her flag,
already shot to pieces, was shot away. We thought she had
surrendered and. we yelled. Several vessels refrained from fir-
ing into her. We passed on through shot and shell, our gun-
boats pursuing the rebel gunboats which were now steaming
up the Bay. At a little after 9, we had passed Fort Gaines on
the left and were preparing to anchor, when the ram which
had dropped under the guns of Fort Morgan was seen coming
up the bay. She fired a challenge shot at the Hartford and
the gage was received and returned. Before she fired this ship
was going and had the honor of leading the way into her. We
struck her a terrible blow while going at the rate of 12 knots .
The shock was very great. I thought we should lose all our
masts. She fired two heavy shells into us just before we struck
her. Fortunately they burst forward and wounded only three
men. Had they come further aft, we should have lost fearfully.
Our heavy stern is all torn away and we leak very much. The
Lackawanna rammed her next. Then our glorious Hartford
poured into a broadside while her guns almost touched the ram.
This vessel & the Hartford had their sides burned by powder
from the ram’s guns. After the Hartford , the Brooklyn , Ossip ee,
and ironclads made for her. No vessel except this one & the
Lackawanna rammed her. The Ossipee started for her but
stopped on seeing the white flag. She surrendered at 10.15 A. M.
three hours and fifteen minutes after the battle commenced.
When she surrendered we were steaming for her at 13 knots
speed. Had we struck her we would have sunk at once as we
were already leaking. Altogether it was a desperate and
plucky fight on both sides. The report shows that she was
struck only by one 15 inch shot. So the honor of capturing the
finest ram ever built and the finest ironclad ever built belongs
almost exclusively to wooden ships. The presence of ironclads
did some good I suppose. Immediately after the fight, I went
on board the ram. She is like the Atlanta but twice as power-
ful. Her gun deck was flesh and gore. She threw some of her
dead overboard in order to make it appear that she had few
hurt. All her steering gear & smoke pipe was shot away.
Adm’l Buchanan, Merrimack man, had his leg broken and was
captured. Our loss is severe, it will reach 300 killed & wounded.
On the night of August 5th, Fort Powell was evacuated and

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

occupied next morn, by our men. On the 8th Fort Gaines sur-
rendered to the Navy. They refused to surrender to the Army
& Navy but sent 26 swords to the Flagship. Next day we
landed 2000 troops in rear of Fort Morgan. I went in command
of three boats. We have invested it completely. On Monday
over a hundred guns will open on the fort & fire till it sur-
renders. We have free communication with the outside but
cannot go out as we draw too much water. The large vessels
must go under Fort Morgan to go out. Our small vessels go
out through Grants Pass. My paper is all gone. I have writ-
ten to Father to send me some. If you see him tell him not to
forget. Please send this to Dick as I have not paper to spare
in writing to him. I rec’d a letter from him today. I will
examine the muster roll of this vessel & inform you if I find
any Delaware men. I suppose Dick & Arthur are home again.
Remember me to all. Tell Arthur I want to hear from him.

I remain,

Your affte, Brother,

P. F. Harrington

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

A CHANGING OF THE GUARD: JOSEPH C. MANNING

AND POPULIST STRATEGY IN THE FALL OF 1894

Paul Pruitt, Jr.

Joseph C. Manning swept among the farmers of Alabama
in the spring of 1892, fresh from Populist training in Tom
Watson’s Georgia. 1 An authentic boy wonder at twenty-two,
Manning preached “the gospel of human brotherhood” so zeal-
ously that he was known as “the Evangel.” Above all he was
a crusader who persuaded members of the Farmer’s Alliance
to assert themselves and cast off the political tyranny of a
coordinated Democratic oligarchy. 2 Manning’s father was a
merchant, lien-lord, Democratic office-holder, and Methodist
preacher in Clay County; so Manning, a young rebel, under-
stood how thoroughly connected and controlled rural institu-
tions could be. 3 As the representative of an intersectional mass
movement and successor to the Alliance lecturers who had gone
before him, this “beardless” orator brought hope to men and
women cut off from the most basic democratic culture :

Members of the People’s Party should at all times be
ready and willing to give a reason for the faith that is
in them . . . Such a principle is the sovereignty of the
people, that the people should be absolute rulers of
their own destinies. 4

Manning never achieved a sophisticated grasp of “greenback”
or Populist economics, though he was loyal to the Omaha Plat-

1 Joseph C. Manning, From Five to Twenty-Five, His Early Life as Recalled by
Joseph Columbus Manning (New York, 1929), 24-33. Cited hereafter as Man-
ning, Five to Twenty-Five. Also see Jerrell H. Shofner and William W. Rogers,
Joseph C. Manning: Militant Agrarian, Enduring Populist,” Alabama Historical
Quarterly, Spring and Summer, 1967, 7-37.

’Dadeville Tallapoosa New Era, April 21, 28, 1892; and Rockford Coosa Advo-
April 21, 1892. Also see Manning, Five to Twenty-Five, 42.

Clay County Probate records reveal the elder Manning’s status. In particular see
Direct and Reverse Index to Deeds, Books A-E, and Deed-Mortgage Record
Books G-I. For the Methodist history of Clay County, see registers and minute-
-books on file at the Ashland United Methodist Church.

'Ashland People’s Party Advocate, March 2, 1894.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

form throughout strenuous “campaigns of education.” From a
myriad of back country stumps, J. C. Manning almost single-
handedly fashioned a working People’s Party in Alabama. 5

The People’s Party in Alabama was secondary in impor-
tance among reform parties, however, to the Jeffersonian De-
mocracy of Reuben F. Kolb. As State Commissioner of Agri-
culture (1887-1891), the magnetic Kolb had built up a personal
following. 6 One opponent claimed that some farmers would
vote for Kolb “if he was to steal a sheep and they even saw
him do it.” 7 Thwarted in his gubernatorial ambitions by Bour-
bons in control of the Democratic party machinery, Kolb led a
number of “simon-pure Jeffersonian Democrats” into a species
of political limbo in 1892. 8 His supporters, still trapped in
provincial loyalties, could not bear to move openly into the camp
of the Populists or the Republicans; yet they joined with them
in the war against Democratic machine rule. In the words of
party member Frank Baltzell, editor of the influential Mont-
gomery Alliance Herald, the Jeffersonians were “those who
have studied only state affairs.” 9 Where economic matters were
concerned, most of the Jeffersonians clung to the relative con-
servatism of “free silver” demands, despite the efforts of Balt-
zell and a handful of radical editors to make them understand
fiat money theory. 10 Still, the “Jeffs” commanded a majority
of the hill country whites who might some day take the final
step into genuine Populism; so Manning and other Populist
leaders “boomed” for Kolb, capitalizing upon his popularity. 11

'Rockford Coosa Advocate, April 28, May 5, 1892; Montgomery Alliance Herald,
November 11, December 7, 1893; Ashland People’s Party Advocate, March 2,
April 20, December 7, 1894.

'William W. Rogers, The One-Gallused Rebellion, Agrarianism in Alabama, 186 5-
1896 (Baton Rouge, 1970), 115-120, 161-162, 167-185. Hereafter cited as
Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion.

T Dr. Robert Leslie to Captain Harry Jones, n.d., 1892, in the Thomas Goode
Jones Papers, Alabama Department of Archives and History.

'Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 203, 209-213.

9 Ibid., 190; Montgomery Alliance Herald, November 11, 1893.
l0 lbid., May 14, 1891, April 26, 1894. Also see Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic
Promise: The Populist Movement in America (New York, 1976), 314, 323, 406.
Hereafter cited as Goodwyn, Democratic Promise.

Manning wrote and printed at his own expense a pamphlet, Politics of Alabama
(Birmingham, 1893), which was used as a campaign document for Kolb in 1894.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

In 1892 Kolb lost to Governor Thomas G. Jones by a meagre
10,000 votes, in an election marred by massive Democratic
frauds. 12 In 1894 ‘the Genial Reuben” waged a tumultuous
campaign of vindication against William Calvin Oates, the
“archetypal Bourbon leader.” 13 The People’s Party backed the
Jeffersonian nominee, but not happily. James M. Whitehead,
the one-legged “straightout” Populist who edited the Green-
ville Living Truth, exchanged broadsides with Frank Baltzell
over the foolishness of fielding two reform parties. 14 Manning,
who won election to the legislature from Clay County, worried
that the People’s Party would be “considered a faction or tail
to the kite of the Jeffersonians.” The Evangel sensed that prin-
ciples and a crucial element of public involvement were slipping
into the background of personal and political maneuverings :

The people do not care about the name ; they now want
the substance. ... If we need anything, it is a people’s
party — a party of and for the people. 15

The state elections of August 6, 1894, were disastrous to
the anti-Democratic cause in Alabama. For all the efforts of
Jeffersonians, Populists, and Republicans, Kolb polled fewer
official votes than before, while Oates won with the usual Black
Belt majorities. 16 True, more than forty reformists were elected
to the state house and senate, but many thought that in a fair

“The official count was Jones, 126,952 to Kolb, 115,524. In fifteen "Black Belt”
counties Jones’ margin was 30,217 votes, almost three times his total majority.
Kolb almost certainly received a majority of the legally cast votes, but Alabama
law did not provide for a contest of the election. Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion,
221-222. For contemporary evidence of fraud, see Chappell Cory to T. G. Jones,
August 14, 1892; J. P. Speer to T. G. Jones, August 22, 1892; and J. D. Nix to
T. G. Jones, September 10, 1892, in the Jones Papers.

"Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 276-283.

"Montgomery Alliance Herald, November 24, 1893.

Butler Choctaw Alliance, January 24, 1894; Ashland People’s Party Advocate,
June 8, 15, 29; July 6, 13, 27, August 10, 1894. See also J. C. Manning to
Ignatius Donnelly, March 13, 19, 1894, in the Ignatius Doruielly Papers, The
Minnesota Historical Society. Manning confided to Donnelly that he was seeking
means to command the Jeffersonians,” some of whom, he knew, "have no sym-
pathy with the People’s Party as a national movement.”

The official count was Oates, 111,875 to Kolb, 83,292. In addition to stuffed
ballot boxes in the Black Belt, the difficult registration procedures of the Sayre
Election Law, passed in 1893, effectively disfranchised many farmers and helped
defeat Kolb. Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 237-241, 281-285.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

election the “Kolbites” would have controlled the hundred-
member House at least. 17 The shock of such a thorough if
The determined agrarians, however, recovered quickly enough
dubious defeat was simultaneously paralysing and infuriating,
to make two quick, ineffectual attempts at revolutionary
retaliation.

One new departure was plotted by Kolb and Senator Wil-
liam E. Chandler of New Hampshire. On August 10 Chandler,
who had been a major proponent of the Lodge “Force 6111,”
introduced a resolution of inquiry concerning the Alabama elec-
tions. In particular, Chandler wanted to know if the new legis-
lature was a freely elected, constitutional body competent to
choose a United States senator — since John T. Morgan, a
strong Democrat, was coming up for re-election. 18 Two years
earlier Frank Baltzell had suggested that Congress determine
whether Alabama had “a republican form of government.” 19
Now Kolb, Jeffersonian chairman Albert T. Goodwyn, and
campaign committee chairman W. H. Skaggs openly endorsed
Baltzell’s plan, despite warnings from conservative friends. 20
Manning and his Clay County radicals further endorsed this
Jeffersonian move away from a states’ rights point of view
by suggesting the passage of a national election law. 21 But
Chandler’s resolution made no progress in the Democratic Fifty-
third Congress. The Fifty-fourth Congress, generally expected
to be Republican, would not meet for over a year, and it seemed

”R. F. Kolb to W. E. Chandler, August 20, 1894, in the William E. Chandler
Papers, Library of Congress.

Ibid., August 20, September 24, 1894, and Montgomery Advertiser, August 11,
1894. The "Force Bill,” or Federal Elections Bill of 1890 would have provided
for federal supervision of state elections under certain conditions. The measure
failed to pass in the Senate, and is considered to be the last serious effort made by
national Republican leaders to protect the civil rights of Southern blacks. For
relevant information see Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 50, 184, 214 and Good-
wyn, Democratic Promise, 227.

’Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 228, 229-230.

Frank Baltzell to W. E. Chandler, November 26, 1894, in the Chandler Papers,
and Montgomery Advertiser, August 24, 1894. For a conservative warning see
Robert McKee to A. T. Goodwyn, August 15, 1894, in the Robert McKee Papers,
Alabama Department of Archives and History.

Joshua Franklin to W. E. Chandler, August 29, 1894, and J. C. Manning to
W. E. Chandler, April 6, 1896, in the Chandler Papers. Also see Ashland People’s
Party Advocate, August 24, 31, 1894.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

that some speedier action was in order. 22

A second, more revolutionary course was to disregard the
official ballot count. This alternative speedily suggested itself
to Reuben F. Kolb and his lieutenants, who were certainly not
thoughtless incendiaries; by the late summer of 1894 many
reformers were prepared to consider backing an insurrectionary
“de jure” government. 23 Since the question was obviously con-
troversial, Skaggs’ Central Campaign Committee decided to test
the public temper. Mass indignation meetings were planned
for August 23, at which militant “law and order leagues” were
to be formed. 24 Though agrarian leaders counseled against
lawlessness, there is no doubt that the leagues could have func-
tioned as a revolutionary army had popular sentiment justified
violent action. Manning helped draw up plans for the public
meetings, then left for a scheduled address before the Texas
Farmer’s Alliance. On August 22 at Grandview, Texas, he
showed the desperate fury which gripped a broad spectrum of
agrarian leaders immediately after the election. The Galveston
News reported that the Evangel said of Kolb: “We will seat

him if we have to wade in blood.” When some level-headed
individual reminded him that Grover Cleveland might send
troops, Manning spat out an original profanity: “Cleveland

can to to the damn Democratic Party.” Catching the quixotic
spirit of the speech, excited Lone Star Alliancemen offered the
young man 200,000 Texans to help seat Kolb. 25

When Manning returned to Alabama, the tentative revolu-
tion was in ruins. Most counties held no meetings, and outraged
public sentiment hid its head. 20 The timidity of the hill country
yeomen shocked and sobered reformers of all parties. Populists
like J. M. Whitehead began to make sense when they argued

Ashland People’s Party Advocate , August 31, September 7, 1894. For the prospects
of the 54th Congress, see Montgomery Advertiser, October 26 , November 8, 1894.
Reuben F. Kolb to W. E. Chandler, September 24, 1894, in the Chandler Papers.
Ashland People’s Party Advocate, August 10, 17, 1894, and Montgomery Adver-
tiser, August 9, 10 , 16 , 19, 1894-

Galveston News, quoted in the Montgomery Advertiser, August 24, 1894.
"Montgomery Advertiser, August 24, 1894, Butler Choctaw Alliance, August 29,
1894, and Ashland People’s Party Advocate, August 31, September 7, 1894. On
the other hand, the rallies made it clear that reformers all over Alabama favored
the idea of a congressional investigation. Chandler’s resolution was endorsed in
Calhoun. Clay, Conecuh, Elmore, Jefferson, Montgomery and Pike Counties.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

that poverty-stricken farmers feared the consequences of a
“war.” The countryside, according to Whitehead, could not
support a rebel force, nor could penniless volunteers stand up
to state and federal troops. 27 There was little for Manning to
do but plunge into the work of electing reform candidates to
Congress. He toured eastern Alabama for two friends, A, T.
Goodwyn of the 5th district and W. C. Robinson of the 3rd
district. Since both men were pacifically inclined Jeffersonians,
no doubt they helped quench the Evangel’s thirst for blood. 28

After the disappointments of August, Joseph Manning was
alert to the need for a workable reformist strategy. As he
faced the people, the conviction grew in him that local agrarian
initiative had suffered under the leadership of Reuben Kolb.
Soon Manning was working to build up enthusiasm and broader
intellectual horizons among the “suppressed and repressed”
electorate. He emphasized his own variety of Populist eco-
nomics, and his contention that “human rights are vested rights”
was calculated to raise the consciousness of toilers who were
“bonded slaves” on the land and at the polls. 29 “Under a proper
distributive system,” Manning wrote for the Clay County
People's Party Advocate, “no man who works should be poor.
Labor produces all wealth. Labor should enjoy what it pro-
duces.” 30 Mingled with his economic argument was the vision
on an aggressive working-class solidarity:

True socialism asserts that . . . the world is one great
family. ‘An injury to one is the concern of all.’ The
masses begin to ‘catch on’ and understand this question.

What a laborer produces or earns by his labor belongs
to him. To take it from him without giving him an
equivalent is to rob him. 31

While Manning employed an ideological approach, certain

"Montgomery Advertiser, August 23, 1894, quoting Greenville Living Truth. See
M also Robert McKee to W H. Skaggs, February 18, 1894, in the McKee Papers.
“Ashland People’s Party Advocate, October 5, November 2, 1894, and Montgomery
Advertiser, October 19, 23, 25, 1894.

"Ashland People’s Party Advocate, July 18, September 14, 1894, and Manning
Five To Twenty-Five, 38-39.

Ashland People’s Party Advocate, September 14, 1894.

31 lbid., November 9, 1894.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Jeffersonians still worked toward a “revolution” on behalf
of Reuben Kolb, whatever the consequences. As early as Au-
gust 18, a correspondent of Governor Jones revealed the pa-
thetic determination of Kolb's hard core supporters. “Some of
them,” he wrote, “is saveing eggs to sell to seat Kolb.” 32 On
September 27, the Jeffersonian and Populist chairmen arranged
for a general convention in Montgomery on November 12, one
day before the legislature was to convene and less than a week
after the congressional elections were to take place. 33 Clearly,
if the congressional elections -saw the commission of yet more
outrageous frauds, angry men might be able to talk the con-
vention into supporting what was referred to as “dual govern-
ment.” Fanatical Kolbites like Grattan B. Crowe of Perry
County were busily trying to find men willing to stand by the
“Governor,” and Kolb's new Birmingham People's Tribune did
nothing to discourage such activity. 34 Manning, on the other
hand, was one of a majority of Populists and Jeffersonians who
had perceived the futility of violence. The Evangel had founded
his work anew on more nearly Populist principles, and shortly
after the convention was announced, he made a Populist deci-
sion. In mid-October, in a major letter to the Butler Choctaw
Alliance , he attacked the Jeffersonian Democrats and questioned
the leadership of Reuben F. Kolb. 35

Manning began his letter by invoking the name of his old
mentor, Tom Watson, whose Georgia People's Party had re-
cently made “wonderful progress” in reducing Democratic ma-
jorities. Watson's pure, flamboyant Populism, he said, made
recruits for “the only political party in America that is the
avowed friend of the producer and the fearless enemy of the
absorber.” 36 Watson’s achievements commanded favorable
“comment from the press in the East,” an important point for
Alabama reformers, who had to rely on the good will of north-
ern Republicans if W. E. Chandler's resolution were ever to

”M. M. McAliley to T. G. Jones, August 18, 1894, Box 33, Official Governors"
Papers, Alabama Department of Archives and History.

“Montgomery Advertiser , September 28, 1894.

“Ozark Banner- Advertiser, November 21, 1895; Birmingham People’s Weekly Tri-
bune, November 8, 1894.

Butler Choctaw Alliance, October 17, 1894
K lbid.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

pass . 37 There was in these considerations, as Manning- later
said, “something here of practical politics /’ 38 But he was after
more than just political advantage.

Politically and morally, Joseph Manning was sanguine
about the future of the People’s Party movement. From the
heights of his determination, he soon laid down the law to the
Jeffersonians :

Factions and local contests and organizations soon
lose their cast and sentiment. They hurridly [sfc] pass
away. The People’s Party is founded on the lasting
rock of substantial justice, and the sooner a contest is
made squarely upon its eternal principles, the better
for those seeking true reformation. A free ballot and
an honest count is demanded, but is it not better to
make the next contest on principles ? 39

No man resented the Democratic practice of ballot fraud
more passionately than Joseph Manning. But now he was
advising his more conservative allies that a reform movement,
if it is to be successful, must have a positive program; in the
long run the cry of fraud was not enough . 40 He now believed a
mighty work of public education would surely go far toward
securing justice at the ballot box. “Convert the people to our
doctrines,” Manning wrote, and let them see “that the enact-
ment of the principles we advocate into law means relief from
oppression, and then they will feel the necessity of throwing
out fraud in elections .” 41

Quickly the young reformer closed in for the kill. Urging
that future contests be made “on a higher and broader plane,”
he daringly blamed Alabama’s leading agrarian for past de-
feats: “We have had enough of Jeffersonian Democracy,

"ibid.

3 *Ozark Banner- Advertiser, September 26, 1895.

,8 Butler Choctaw Alliance, October 17, 1894.

< 0 Manning, Five to Twenty-Five, 68-72. Also see J. C. Manning to H. D. Lloyd,
March 5, 23, 1895, in the Henry Demarest Lloyd papers, State Historical Society
of Wisconsin.

41 Butler Choctaw Alliance. October 17, 1894.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Kolbism, and personal and factional contests.” 42 The die was
cast, and Manning ended his letter with a rousing appeal for
unity within the People’s Party :

If you are a Populist, don’t be ashamed to unfurl its
banner and thank God that you are with the common
people. Clear the deck of the [reform] ‘Conglomera-
tion.’ Organize for a straight, bold, and fearless
‘Georgia campaign’ for the future. 43

Coupled with the efforts of reformers to secure a senate
investigation, Manning’s proposals opened up a sophisticated
strategy. If the agrarian parties could unite upon common
principles while working for effective federal regulation of
elections, a remarkable balance between purity and practicality
would be the result. As Manning explained in a press inter-
view, a Populist senator from Alabama could be seated if wide-
spread fraud were proved and Republican assistance mar-
shalled. 44 He was convinced that these developments would de-
stroy the profitability of Democratic fraud in Alabama. Also
he understood that no Populist ends would be served by violence.
Indeed, the Evangel claimed that the Democrats, by laying vio-
lent hands upon the ballot box, had themselves become the party
of revolution. True patriots, he felt, must work ceaselessly
and peaceably to turn public opinion against the Bourbon ma-
chines. 45

Manning’s plan evolved as an intricate incorporation of
“fusionist” and “middle-of-the-road” elements. 46 Other Popu-
lists had called for agrarian unity, but none with such a sweep-
ing challenge at so critical a moment. Apparently Manning
seized the right time and tone, for he commanded a firm ma-
jority at the November 12 convention. To begin with, he was

"/ bid.

“ibid.

“Butler Choctaw Herald, December 12, 1894. Also J. C. Manning, The Fadeout of
Populism: Pot and Kettle in Combat (New York, 1928), 22, 35-36. Cited here-
after as Manning, Fadeout of Populism.

“Ashland People's Party Advocate, February 1 , 1895, and Ozark Banner- Adver-
tiser, August 29, 1895.

Fusion refers to the union or cooperation of two political parties. "Middle-of-
the-Road or Midroad” Populists, on the other hand, made no political or
ideological concessions to either of the "old parties.” See Goodwyn, Democratic
Promise, 426.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

supported nicely, sometimes rather automatically, by the Popu-
list rank and file. This occurrence may be explained in part
by the Evangel's having toured extensively on behalf of reform-
ist congressional candidates during the period when local meet-
ings chose convention delegates. Accordingly, he inspired a
rare degree of unanimity among Alabama Populists. 47 It is
more difficult, however, to speculate upon the motives of an
influential group of Jeffersonian leaders who supported Man-
ning against the founder of their party.

Reuben Kolb’s courage and enterprise loomed over the brief
history of the Jeffersonian Democrats, but his actions some-
times caused even close supporters to doubt his wisdom. Frank
Baltzell, whose hard-hitting Alliance Herald had recently folded,
was left “high and dry” when Kolb hired the moderate Democrat
John W. DuBose to edit a new journal, the People's Tribune**
Shortly after the August elections, A. T. Goodwyn had quarreled
with Kolb over the question of whether or not violence was
justified against W. C. Oates’ administration. On August 23
Goodwyn had warned the Elmore County indignation meeting
that they must look to aid from the federal government as an
alternative to horrible civil strife. 49 It is difficult to pinpoint
the origins of a feeling, but by November some men quite close
to Kolb had decided, as an astute Talladega woman believed,
that he “might be led to do certain things . . . which his genuine
better feelings would regret.” 50 W. H. Skaggs, for example, had
expressed grave doubts about Kolb as early as the winter of
1893-1894. Trying in vain to enlist the eminent journalist
Robert McKee in a newspaper project, Skaggs finally pleaded
with him to work for the sake of principle: “It was decided

between us that while Captain Kolb was unfortunately the can-
didate, he was a mere incident to the issue.” 51 Kolb probably

"Ashland People’s Party Advocate , October 5, November 2, 1894. For examples of
Manning’s numerous reform contacts, see the New Orleans Daily Picayune , Janu-
ary 19, 1895.

“Montgomery Advertiser , August 31, September 12, 1894; also Rogers, One-
Gallused Rebellion , 256-257.

“Montgomery Advertiser , August 24, December 1 , 1894, and Butler Choctaw
Herald , December 12, 26, 1894; see also Ashland People’s Party Advocate, De-
cember 14, 1895.

“"Georgia C. McElderry to John W. DuBose, Match 17, 1897, in the John W.
DuBose Papers, Alabama Department of Archives and History.

W. H. Skaggs to Robert McKee, March 19, 1894, in the McKee Papers.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

knew that these lieutenants were wavering, for early in No-
vember he declared that he would never be a candidate again. 52
He did not, however, abandon his claims to the statehouse.

A. T. Goodwyn, W. H. Skaggs, Frank Baltzell, and even
Kolb’s good friend P. G. Bowman supported Manning’s leader-
ship on November 12. Though each of these men had his own
motives and ambitions, all were fearful of the consequences
of an abortive rebellion. In addition, feelings of sheer despera-
tion over repeated Democratic frauds may have created a will-
ingness among Jeffersonians (including Kolb) to merge with a
militant national party and cast off the dishonored name “Demo-
crat.” In any event, Manning probably would not have suc-
ceeded without the help of his Jeffersonian allies.

When the great day came, about 250 delegates and several
hundred sympathetic spectators thronged into “The Montgom-
ery Theatre.” The congressional elections had come off with
a flurry of stuffed ballots, and though the People's Tribune
claimed victory for the coalition candidates, only M. W. Howard
of the 7th district won on the face of the returns. 53 The con-
vention itself quickly boiled down to a contest of rival emotions
and timing. Grattan B. Crowe, and to a lesser extent Kolb,
relied on the power of righteous wrath to sweep the meeting
toward establishing a “legitimate” government. Manning and
hi-s allies stressed the necessity for peace and the possibilities
inherent in unity. During the sessions the Populist side cap-
tured the initiative.

At 10:30 a.m. Jeffersonian Chairman Albert T. Goodwyn
pounded the gavel and “emphasized that the convention was a
“deliberative,” not a constitutional body.” 54 With this reminder
to Grattan B. Crowe and his contingent, Goodwyn called sev-
eral speakers to the podium, each of whom recounted some as-
pects of the August and November elections. Soon a committee

“'Montgomery Advertiser , November 4, 1894.

Birmingham People’s Weekly Tribune , November 8, 1894. Eventually three more
reform candidates were seated: Populist A. T. Goodwyn of the 5th district, and
Republicans W, F. Aldrich of the 4th district and T. H. Aldrich of the 9th
district. Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 287-289.

Montgomery Advertiser, November 13, 1894, and Eufaula Times and News,
November 15, 1894.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

well stocked with Populists and “pacifists” was appointed to
prepare resolutions. As the committee retired, “loud cries”
arose for “Evangel Manning .” 55 Either by accident or careful
stagemanaging, the young orator took the platform at a preg-
nant moment. He stood before a gathering which was torn
between caution and fury. If he made the right speech now,
he could determine the course of the convention.

The Evangel started awkwardly, respectfully praising Kolb
and telling a few campaign jokes. But after the obligatory
compliments, Manning pointed out some basic facts to those
absorbed with the “Governor’s” wrongs. In less than diplo-
matic tones, he discussed the price they had paid for keeping
the reform movement divided and subservient to one man’s
candidacy :

If you think that this is Kolb’s movement, you are mis-
taken. It is as much ours as it is Ms. If the people
of Alabama could have realized this, as Kolb has, he
would have been governor of Alabama today . 56

After this slap at the very nature of Kolb’s last campaign,
Manning answered a shout from the floor — “Let us declare
him governor!” — with a dignified warmth which atoned for
the rashness of his earlier speech in Texas:

Let us be conservative. . . . Let me tell the people that
we realize there is an element in our party clamoring
to seat the rightfully elected governor by force, but this
is not what we desire. . . . We do not want the fathers
of little children in Alabama today to have their blood
spilt as dewdrops on the violets, but we want these
fathers to live and pray and vote right, and persuade
the people of Alabama to vote right . 57

“The committee was announced by the chair, and included J. M. Whitehead of the
Living Truth; Rev. S. M. Adams, past president of the Farmer’s Alliance; and
J. L. Pitts, Populist executive chairman. Montgomery Advertiser , November 13,
1894.

“Ibid. See also Livingston Journal, November 16, 1894.

“Montgomery Advertiser, November 13, 1894; see also Ashland People’s Party
Advocate, December 7, 1894, quoting the Montgomery Evening Journal.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

M. W. Whatley of Clay County spoke next, and the non-
violent group semed to be in command. Kolb himself delayed
his appearance until 1:00 p.m., when “Mr. Manning of Clay
demanded that the convention should see the Governor of Ala-
bama:” 58

At this juncture, Kolb made a powerful speech in an
effort to rally the convention to his cause. He was deter-
mined — “I intend to stay with you until hell freezes over,
and then I will tackle them a while on the ice” — but he was
dignified and conciliatory to the Populists. 59 He wanted very
much to be governor, but under the circumstances he balanced
that fact neatly with concessions:

I want to emphasize that which Mr. Manning has said,
that it was not Kolb in this fight. . . . My individuality
did not enter into it at all. ... It was the people of Ala-
bama who raised up in their majesty and . . . twice
elected me governor of this state. 60

“The Genial Reuben,” who had flooded the state with agents
“working up a strong feeling in my behalf” as early as 1889,
would not give up easily. 61 He had given Manning a chance to
keep the momentum, however, and during the afternoon ses-
sion the Populist leader played his own emotional trump cards.
No one took down Manning’s successful speech for unification,
but it is likely that the youthful Clay Countian stressed quasi-
religious themes of unity and brotherhood, ending with an af-
firmation of Populist faith similar to that which he had made
before a joint convention in February of 1894: “We are one

and the same people, and together we will have the same God
and whip the world, flesh and the devil.” One journalist wrote
that “amid great applause, Mr. Manning made a speech which
set his auditors wild,” and the convention voted for a union of
the two agrarian parties. 62

68 Montgomery Advertiser, November 13, 1894.

89 Kolb is quoted in Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 290.

*°Eufaula Times and News, November 15, 1894.

R. F. Kolb to Leonidas L. Polk, June 6, 1889, in the Leonidas L. Polk Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina.

Ashland People’s Party Advocate, December 7, 1894, quoting the Montgomery
Evening Journal. None of the extant accounts refer to the size or manner of taking
this vote, except to state that it was enthusiastically done.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

After this triumph, the Populists “worked” the situation
in a manner which hints at prearrangement. A host of speakers
jumped to their feet and testified for “amalgamation.” The
most interesting was J. L. Hosey of Calhoun County, who “came
to the convention to represent the agricultural population, and
was instructed to follow the footprints of Manning and Tom
Watson .” 63 After more “glad tidings,” Joseph Manning, in a
truly evangelical move, offered “the hymn for the praise
service” :

All hail the power of the people’s name,

Let the ballot-stuffers prostrate fall;

Bring forth the royal diadem,

And crown the people sovereign all . 64

Although the Populists had triumphed so far, they still
had to deal with the irrepressible enrage Grattan B. Crowe.
“The proper course for us to pursue,” said Kolb’s chief of
militia, “is to take this government and run it .” 65 Crowe was
an eloquent speaker, but he had missed the crucial psychological
moment by waiting until unification was an accomplished fact,
possibly not realizing that peace and Populism were bound to-
gether. Moreover he betrayed himself by his own excesses.
In his dreams, he related, “the angel of the lord” had “wiped
these tarred holes off the face of the earth. There was not a
block left in Montgomery or Selma .” 66 After Crowe had spoken,
the convention pushed ahead to choose an executive committee
for the reorganized People’s Party. Interestingly, the Jeffer-
sonian financial radical, Samuel M. Adams, was made chairman
and Manning was picked for member-at-large . 67

At the evening session W. H. Skaggs reported for the reso-
lutions committee. The convention agreed that evidences of
fraud should be distributed in a nationwide campaign of pub-
licity. Massive petitions for restoration of republican govern-
ment should, likewise be sent to Congress. Locally, Populists

“Montgomery Advertiser , November 13 , 1894 .

“Ibid.

“ibid. See also Eufaula Times and News, November 15 , 1894 .

“Montgomery Advertiser, November 13 , 1894 .

"Dadeville Tallapoosa New Era, April 25 , May 16 , 1895 , and Anniston Alabama
Leader, March 19 , 1896 .

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

should work for a fair contest law but take no overt action
against the Oates administration, unless theii just demands
were ignored. With the power of state and federal troops
against them, Skaggs argued, it was useless to establish a gov-
ernment which could not stand. The convention approved
Skaggs’ resolutions and propositions, evidently by voice vote,
and so opened a broader field for the agrarian movement in
Alabama. 68

The triumph was far from complete. While Skaggs was
reporting, Crowe and an important minority of delegates lis-
tened in “sullen silence,” convinced that the resolutions were a
betrayal. 69 These men were not satisfied, and neither was
Kolb. After the legislature convened, the latter demanded his
rights and, following a series of heated caucuses, was “inaugu-
rated” by a Justice of the Peace on December 1, a few hours
before W. C. Oates was sworn in. On that day Joseph Man-
ning, Warren S. Reese, Jr., of Montgomery, and other moderates
assembled at the top of Dexter Avenue together with Kolb,
Crowe, and perhaps 200 followers in a courageous demonstra-
tion before the massed troops of the state. 70 Denied access
to the capitol steps, Kolb spoke from the bed of a wagon drawn
up in the street. He had hesitated until Manning spoke up,
probably in an exquisitely ironical tone: “Go ahead Captain,

they may kill you but you will go down ... as a martyr to
the Populistic cause.” 71 Facing the tangible array of Demo-
cratic power, Kolb advised his followers to act peaceably, but
not to pay taxes to a fraudulent administration. 72

The ceremonies of December 1 ushered in an awkward
period in which Populist leaders participated in the constituted
state government without being able to ignore the “Governor’s”
pronouncements. Kolb was sometimes at odds with Manning,
Goodwyn, and the Populist legislative caucus, and as a matter
of fact remained open to proposals of violent action until a

Montgomery Advertiser, November 13, 1894. Again, no reliable information
exists as to the nature of this vote.

"Ibid.

10 Ibid., December 2, 1894; see particularly Warren S. Reese to J. C. Manning, De-
cember 2, 1927, in Manning, Fadeout of Populism, 142-144.

"Ibid., 143.

Montgomery Advertiser , December 2, 1894.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Populist conference of March, 1895. 73 Sorely tried and frus-
trated, Kolb diverted reformist energies from the new de-
partures of November, 1894.

In a larger sense Manning and the Populist unifiers were
doomed to defeat from the start. The ideological weakness
of the reform movement in Alabama, which drove Manning
into a new campaign of education, left the reorganized Peo-
ple’s Party vulnerable to the free silver craze. The radical
“greenback” theories common to Texas and Georgia Populists
never won complete acceptance in Alabama, especially among
ex-Jeffersonians such as A. T. Goodwyn, who became the
Populist-Republican “cooperation” candidate for governor in
1896. 74 Thus Joseph F. Johnston, a silver Democrat who cap-
tured the gubernatorial nomination of his party after a well-
financed drive of two years’ duration, posed a serious threat to
Populist unity. When Johnston promised fair elections and in-
vited Populists to return to the “fold,” a number of them took
him at his word. 75 In the meantime, Joseph Manning had toured
the nation on behalf of ballot reform — the one issue which
he felt would unify southern reformers and at the same time
interest northern Republicans. 70 A number of Populists, in-
cluding J. M. Whitehead and Philander Morgan of Talladega,
objected to Manning’s capitulation, as they termed it, to state
and national Republicanism: the consequent division of Ala-
bama Populism into factions weakened the party before the
onslaughts of the silver Democracy. 77

The two years following his November triumph were years
of failure for Manning and for the People’s Party. In May,
1896, his hopes for a senate investigation of Alabama politics

73 Raleigh, North Carolina Daily Caucasian , March 13, 1895, and Ozark Banner-
Advertiser, March 21, 28, 1895.

Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 309, and Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, 406,
672 f.n. 22. Sec a^so Raleigh, North Carolina Weekly Caucasian, July 1 1, 1895.
Dadeville Tallapoosa New Era, January 30, 1896, and Anniston Alabama Leader,
January 30, 1896. The official vote in the gubernatorial election of 1896 was
fohnston, 128,541, to Goodwyn, 89,290. Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion, 314-315.
7, Ozark Banner- Advertiser, September 26, October 31, 1895 and Ashl and People’s
Party Advocate, November 1, 1895.

Karl Louis Rodabaugh, "Fusion, Confusion, Defeat and Disfranchisement: The
Fadeout of Populism’ in Alabama,” Alabama Historical Quarterly, Summer, 1972,
131-155.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

came to an end when a resolution sponsored by William V.
Allen of Nebraska and W. E. Chandler failed by a vote of
forty-one to six . 78 In July came the capture of the Populist
presidential nomination by W. J. Bryan and the silver lobby.
Manning recognized “the fadeout of Populism” in these develop-
ments and joined the Republican Party in disgust . 79 So ended
one man’s efforts to reconcile politics and Populist principles.

Given the overwhelming tendency of late nineteenth-
century politics to conformistic, sectional conservatism, the sig-
nificant thing about Manning and his fellow Populists was that
they tried to break down this established order . 80 Nor should
it be forgotten that, for all the convolutions of his strategy,
Joseph C. Manning briefly unified the ranks of Alabama Popu-
lism for its march toward ultimate defeat.

Ashland People’s Party Advocate , March 13, 1896, Butler Choctaw Herald , May
27, 1896 and Dadeville Tallapoosa Netv Era, May 28, 1896.

Alexander City Outlook, September 18, 1896, and Rogers, One-Gallused Rebellion ,
320, quoting the Eufaula Times and News, July 23, 1896.

Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, vii-xxiii, 515-555.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

“THE HUSBANDMAN THAT LABOURETH MUST BE
FIRST PARTAKER OF THE FRUITS” (2 TIMOTHY 2:6):
AGRICULTURAL REFORM IN ANTE BELLUM ALABAMA

William Warren Rogers, Jr.

After a brief territorial period, Alabama was admitted to
the Union in 1819. Despite its comparatively late development
Alabama quickly joined other Southern states in the production
of that heralded and much in demand crop : cotton. The

1820’s and 1830’s, the true flush years of the state, were
characterized by rapid settlement and runaway cotton prices.
Statehood brought an influx of settlers eager to participate
in the cotton bonanza. The Tennessee Valley region was opened
first, and not long afterwards the fertile Black Belt tracts were
claimed. Land sales soared. In the 1830’s areas inhabited
by Creek Indians a short time before were swiftly cleared and
converted into cotton fields. 1 A visitor to Alabama’s Black
Belt found that farmers “were picking cotton and clearing
land, — the axes were cutting until midnight, and an hour
before day the next morning.” 2 Despite periodic recessions,
cotton quickly became the object around which Alabama’s eco-
nomic life revolved. 3

In the ensuing ante-bellum years, the fleecy staple, so well
received in the markets of New York and Liverpool, shaped
and defined the lives of most Alabamians, white and black.
Other crops such as Irish and sweet potatoes, peas, and corn

'Montgomery Tri-Weekly Alabama Journal , June 6, 1849; Tuscumbia North Ala-
bamian , February 21, 1845. See also Charles Davis, The Cotton Kingdom in
Alabama (Montgomery, 1939), 24-25, 37; Lewis Gray, History of Agriculture in
the Southern United States, II (Gloucester, 1958), 890-895; Thomas Perkins
Abernethy, The Formative Period in Alabama 1815-1828 (Montgomery, 1922),
25, 30, 38, 65; Joseph G. Baldwin, The Flush Time of Alabama and Mississippi
(New York, 1843), 90.

Weymouth T. Jordan, "The Elisha F. King Family Planters of the Alabama Black
Belt," Agricultural History , XIX (July, 1945).

Abernethy, Formative Period in Alabama , 61, 66; Davis, Cotton Kingdom in Ala-
bama, 37-39.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

were also raised on a large scale, but cotton was the cash crop. * * 4
Five years after Alabama’s admission to statehood cotton pro-
duction had doubled. By 1840 only three states produced more
cotton than Alabama. 5 Meanwhile, the once raw and extensive
Alabama frontier evaporated as settlers “bought farms, wore
them out, sold them for a song, bought new ones and grew
rich.” 6 But even the most fervid cotton booster could not have
predicted the report of the 1850 census. That ten-year collec-
tion of statistics revealed that Alabama raised more cotton
than any other state in the Union. 7 Yet, to a growing number
of Alabamians such phenomenal production figures did not
represent progress. Concerned agrarian reformers in Alabama
served notice to both small farmers and large planters alike
that they were on a course of economic self-destruction. As
time passed, their voices, muted in the past by windfall profits,
would become increasingly audible.

The origins of agricultural reform in Alabama could be
traced to the formation of agrarian societies in Monroe, Greene,
and Jackson counties as early as 1828. 8 These organizations
soon folded, and not until the 1840’s was the heyday of the
local agrarian societies inaugurated. Among the two earliest
and most active organizations were the Talladega Agricultural
Society and the Greensboro Agricultural Society. The
“golden age” of the agricultural societies, the 1850’s,
witnessed their proliferation across the state. 9 The Greens-
boro Agricultural Society, founded in 1850, pledged to
“promote agricultural improvements, to improve the breed of
domestic animals, to encourage household manufacture, and
the introduction of new as well as the improvement of old

Mss. Census, 1850, Alabama, Agriculture, passim. A random selection of counties

in the Wiregrass, Black Belt, and Tennessee Valley regions of Alabama reveals

that in 18 50, cotton was grown primarily, but not exclusively, in the Black Belt.

5 Eleventh Census , 1890, Agriculture, 23.

"’"Hillside Ditching and Horizontal Culture,” Alabama Cotton Planter, I (October,
1853), 317.

7 Eleventh Census, 1890, Agriculture, 23.

Acts of Alabama, 1828-1829, 52; Weymouth T. Jordan, Ante-Bellum Alabama:
Town and Country (Tallahassee, 1957), 122-125.

8 Jordan, Ante-Bellum Alabama, 122-125.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

implements of husbandry.” 10 Usually these societies set up
committees to study the cultivation of cotton, corn, and other
crops grown in any given area. Annual agricultural fairs were
also sponsored by the reform orders. Lasting anywhere from
one to three days, these local fairs attracted large crowds who
turned out to view the exhibits of agricultural produce, all types
of livestock, farm implements, and a bewildering variety of
items made at home. Invariably there was close competition
for the premiums that were awarded to the most outstanding
exhibits. The agricultural societies, totally apolitical, served
the dual purpose of emphasizing the need for reform and of
disseminating farm-related information. 11

Agricultural journals and newspapers also played an in-
tegral part in Alabama’s reform movement. The most widely
read and influential publication was the American Cotton
Planter, founded in 1853 by Noah B. Cloud. Masterful edi-
torialist, consummate experimenter, and enthusiastic promoter,
Noah Cloud did more for agricultural reform in Alabama be-
tween 1840 and 1860 than any other single individual. In large
part, the years he spent in Alabama spanned the agricultural
reform period. A native of South Carolina, Cloud migrated
to Russell County, Alabama, in 1838. Three years later he
moved his family and six slaves to the small settlement of La
Place in Macon County. There, in the heart of the Black Belt,
he began in earnest a series of revolutionary experiments. 12

At the outset, Cloud’s journal, published in Montgomery,
had less than five hundred subscribers. Yet the tireless efforts

’"Greensboro Alabama Beacon, March 27, 1850. Among the agricultural societies
founded were the Agricultural Society of Greensboro, Acts of Alabama, 1828-
1 829, 52; the North Alabama Agricultural and Mechanical Association, Acts of
Alabama, 1857-1858, 104; Agricultural Society of Macon County, Tuskegee
Macon Republican, October 9, 1851; Talladega County Agricultural Society,
Southern Cultivator, IV (February, 1846), 92; Pickens County Agricultural So-
ciety, Alabama Cotton Planter, II (August, 1854), 236.

"Greensboro Alabama Beacon, October 23, 1849; Alabama Cotton Planter, I
(January, 1853), 20; American Cotton Planter and Soil of the South, VI (April,
1857), 97-98; Elizabeth Essler, "The Agricultural Reform Movement in Alabama
18 50-1860,” Alabama Review, I (Winter, 1948), 2 50.

Noah B. Cloud, Southern Cultivator, X (January, 1852), 27-39; Weymouth T.
Jordan, "Noah B. Cloud’s Activities on Behalf of Southern Agriculture,” Agri-
cultural History, XXV (April, 1951), 53-58.

40 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of Cloud, the useful information the journal provided, and the
dire need of such a publication made the monthly magazine a
success. A typical issue contained articles concerning appro-
priate manures, innovative farming techniques, announcements
of the latest inventions, and advice on a myriad number of
related subjects. Commenting on the American Cotton Planter,
a Wetumpka newspaper editor felt that “every farmer ought
to have it, if it cost $10 instead of $1,” and added somewhat
facetiously “We ought to have a statute in our penal code,
making it a penitentiary offense for an Alabama planter to be
without the Cotton Planter, it is just as necessary to him as
a good wife.” 13 In 1857 when Cloud’s journal merged with
the Soil of the South , the largest agricultural organ in Georgia,
the journal’s circulation had reached 10,000. 14 Without doubt,
the journal exercised an important influence on farming and
farmers of the Deep South.

Agricultural newspapers, usually weeklies, were also vital
to the reform impulse. Promising that “every scheme of a
practical bearing will be presented to the planters,” 15 the first
issue of the Alabama Planter rolled from a Mobile press in
1853. In August 1849, the Greensboro Alabama Beacon dis-
pensed almost entirely with politics and announced that its
columns would henceforth be devoted to agriculture. 16 Dozens
of other papers catered to agricultural interests, usually by
printing syndicated articles that had first appeared in one
of the numerous Southern agricultural journals. 17

Although in 1840 a visitor through the state pronounced
Alabama “yet too young to show the result of a desolating sys-
tem of cultivation,” 18 there were those who did not share his

13 Wetumpka Spectator, January 15, 1856.

14 American Cotton Planter and Soil of the South, V (March, 18 57), 66; Jordan,
Noah B. Clouds Activities on Behalf of Southern Agriculture,” 5 8.

18 Mobile Press Register, March 12, 1845.

Greensboro Alabama Beacon, August 25, 1849.

7 See Huntsville Democrat , May 5, 1853; Tuskegee Macon Republican, November
21, 1850; Eufaula Democrat, August 1 , 1848; Huntsville Southern Advocate ,
December 4, 1847; Tuscumbia North Alabamian, January 24, 1845; Montgomery
Advertiser and Gazette, May 11, 1852.

Southern Cabinet , I (January, 1840), 9. The place of publication of this obscure
journal is unknown.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

optimism. For years Alabama farmers had (because of ig-
norance, simple inertia, or just plain habit) gone about their
agricultural pursuits in a way detrimental to the soil. Caught
up in the cotton mania, the farmers recklessly grew the money-
making staple. Few attempts were made to fertilize, rotate
the crops, diversify, let the land lie fallow, or in any way re-
store to the earth its vitality. The average tiller of the soil
assumed that the land was inexhaustible. But by the mid-
1 840’s this mentality had been strongly called to task. As
Charles C. Langdon, a distinguished but disgusted agrarian
speaker, told the Alabama State Agricultural Society, farmers
“produce nothing, literally nothing but cotton, cotton, cot-
ton . . .” Although it had been “an easy matter to raise cotton
in Alabama — requiring no mental effort, no study, no obser-
vation, hardly the labor to think. . . , 1!) the folly of such a sys-
tem was evident. With the passing years, Alabama farmers
acutely felt the effects of their neglect and abuse of the land.
In time, as many Alabama farmers learned, even the alluvial
stretches of land could be worn out . 20

Not so coincidentally, the rise of agricultural societies
and the growth of the reform press were paralleled by the
appearance of disturbing signs on Alabama’s economic front.
Most pertinent was the sudden drop in cotton prices. In 1839
cotton farmers received a respectable 14 cents per pound. One
year later the price had almost been cut in half. A decade of
low prices followed, and by 1850 cotton was being sold for as
low as five cents a pound. Alabama’s image as a profitable
cotton kingdom had been severely tarnished. For many farmers
used to profitable cotton returns, their livelihood ceased to
be so remunerative . 21

Blame, condemnation, and disbelief came from different
corners. Although reform sentiment necessarily addressed the
cotton question, there was not always unanimity among those
who assigned the blame for the catastrophic turn of events.
Two distinct schools of thought were propogated from the start.

19 Charles C. Langdon, American Cotton Planter , IV (April, 1856), 99.

1 Tuscumbia North Alabamian , February 21, 1845; Greensboro Alabama Beacon,
October 13, 1849; Debow’s Review, XIV (January, 1853), 68-69.

‘Greensboro Alabama Beacon, September 22, 1849.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

A significant number of agriculturalists believed that too much
cotton was being raised. They contended that the almost ex-
clusive growth of the crop taxed the land unnecessarily, pre-
vented the cultivation of other crops, and caused overproduction
which was accompanied by a fall in prices . 22

The Tuscumbia North Alabamian noted that the emphasis
on cotton reduced the planter to a “dangerous state of vassalage
and dependence upon [the] foreign market and foreign specu-
lators. ,,2S A speaker before the Chunnenugee Horticultural
Society, also critical of the staple, conceded that cotton had
made Alabama, but it had “wasted the indigenous growth of
our forests, impoverished our soil, diminished our domestic
enjoyments, narrowed our minds, and greatly retarded our
progress in other fields of labor .’' 2 1 Other voices added to the
chorus of discontent.

Others of similar persuasion attacked the traditional staple
for reasons more social than economic. These critics main-
tained that the successful cultivation of cotton, largely de-
pendent on fresh lands, forced the planter or farmer to move
often. By doing so the agrarians forfeited the accruing bene-
fits of a more stable existence. Daniel Pratt, noted industrial
advocate and ante-bellum promoter of cotton mills in Alabama,
regretted this migration. According to Pratt, it precluded the
establishment of better schools and churches, improved roads,
and the development of an artisan or manufacturing class . 25
Some claimed that the ubiquitous plant even had an undesirable
moral effect. The president of the Mobile Agricultural and
Horticultural Society had no tolerance for a crop that induced
farmers “heedlessly [to] turn their backs upon the home of
their childhood; without a tear or a sigh; [and] abandon the
spot hallowed by the graves of their fathers .” 26 Indeed, the
concentration on cotton was criticized across a wide spectrum.

“Tuscumbia North Alabamian , February 7, 1845; Tuskegee Macon Republican,
November 21, 18 50; Mobile Register and Journal, February 25, 1845; Southern
Agriculturalist (May, 1844), 176-183; see also Davis, Cotton Kingdom, 171.
“Tuscumbia North Alabamian, February 21, 1845.

“Charles C. Clay, American Cotton Planter, II (July, 1855), 195.

25 Daniel Pratt, ibid., I (January, 18 53), 27.

’“Charles C. Langdon, ibid., II (September, 1854), 258.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Not all observers saw cotton as a false prophet. Their
explanation for economic distress took a different turn. Noah
Cloud viewed the staple more favorably. A leading advocate of
scientific agriculture, Cloud made clear in the first issue of
the American Cotton Planter the farmer’s fundamental problem.
It was not that the Alabama farmer raised too much cotton, but
that he let the crop monopolize his time and energy — at the
expense of other interests. In deference to cotton, few hogs,
mules, horses, cattle or any blooded stock were raised. De-
pending almost exclusively on cotton, few farmers grew their
own grain. Such tasks, he railed, were too often outside the
pale of the average Alabama farmer . 27

As the preeminent agriculturalist explained, it was also
ironical and paradoxical that Alabamians produced vast amounts
of cotton but converted little of it into cloth. The potential
of textile mills was largely ignored as Alabama farmers con-
centrated on achieving maximum cotton yields. Consequently,
the farmer was forced to buy cloth and clothing at inflated
prices from northern entrepreneurs. Cloud maintained that
the typical Alabama farmer was analogous to the “silly African
or the improvident East Indian, that roams over the sun-
scorched sands of their barren country and gather the raw
ivory — and thus selling become poorer every year — while
the foreign manufacturer grows rich in giving form, polish,
and value to the tooth .” 28 Not by growing less cotton, but
by growing the staple more efficiently, could the farmer im-
prove his situation. By judicious management, the farmer
might cut his cotton acreage in hal grow just as much cotton,
and use his remaining acres for glam crops, pastureland, and
other purposes that would enable him to become more self-
sufficient . 29

As cotton prices continued to fall, threatening to under-
mine the economic basis of the entire state, remedies to alle-
viate the situation were continuously advanced. To many,
economic salvation could be achieved only by wholesale diversi-

* 7 Tuscumbia North Alabamian , October 24, 1845; DeBotv's Review, XIV (January,
1853), 17; American Cotton Planter, I (January, 1853), 20-21.

I8 Noah B. Cloud, American Cotton Planter, I (January, 1853), 20.

M lbid., 20; Tuskegee Macon Republican, March 3, 1853.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

fication. The growth of a greater variety of crops would have
a cure-all effect. Sugar cane was pushed as a supplementary
crop by some. Reports of profits from the growth of hemp
were circulated and endorsed. There were even experiments
with silk cultivation . 30

The Eufaula Democrat pleaded with farmers to devote more
time and interest to the raising of vegetable and grain crops.
Other reformers pushed for more corn, much of which would
be used to fatten livestock. Selective breeding of cattle and
other types of livestock was a favorite theme. Concomitant
with improved herds would be the setting aside of more pas-
tureland for the livestock to graze on. In south Alabama
there were claims that the section’s soil would support the
cultivation of rice. Horticulture was also a widely discussed
topic. Varieties of fruits such as apples and peaches, previ-
ously thought unadaptable to the Alabama climate or soil, were
also promoted. None of these ideas was ever enthusiastically
embraced in ante-bellum Alabama, but their mere advancement
indicated that a sizeable number of Alabama planters and
farmers wanted and needed a diversified economy, one not so
dependent on cotton . 31

Increasingly, scientific agriculture became popular. The
farmer was urged to “make experiments, call science to your
aid, read, think, study, work — in short, persevere, and suc-
cess is sure .” 32 Innovative farming techniques were coming
into vogue. Horizontal plowing and hillside ditching, designed
to prevent rich top soil from washing away, were put in
greater use. The planting of clover, peas, and other reliable
legumes became fairly widespread. It was pressed both upon
the planter who dwelled in his Greek revival mansion and
the yeoman farmer who lived at the fork of the creek that
farming was a business. As a businessman, he should keep
boobs recording his efforts and their results. Time and labor
saving inventions were discussed. Most importantly, the patrons

30 Tuscumbia North Alabamian, November 29, 1844; Niles National Register (May,
1845), 180; DeBow’s Review, IX (August, 1850), 210.

Eufaula Democrat, November 28, 1848; Greensboro Alabama Beacon, November
3, 1849; Mobile Press Register, March 11, 1845; Montgomery Mail, September 14,
1857; Tuscumbia North Alabamian, October 24, 1845.

32 CharIes Langdon, American Cotton Planter, II (September, 18 54), 259.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

of science promoted the use of fertilizers. 33

Economic hard times turned farmers to fertilizers. Al-
though not unknown to the Alabama farmer, fertilizers had
been ignored during the state’s formative or flush years. Rich
soil that became depleted only gradually caused fertilizers to
be neglected. Predictably, Noah Cloud was behind the eventual
acceptance and popularization of these soil-building agents. He
ran countless articles advocating the use of fertilizers in the
American Cotton Planter. Citing historical precedent, Cloud
reminded farmers that a manure-based fertilizer had been used
extensively during the days of the Roman Empire. Cato and
Cincinnautus had both championed its use. 34

Probably more convincing were the numerous farmers
who testified to the efficacy of fertilizers. Guano, a highly-
concentrated fertilizer imported from Peru, first appeared in
Alabama in the early forties. Because of its recommendations
and its results, guano proved popular. According to one au-
thority, the compound acted “like magic on [the] worn-out
cotton lands in the Alabama black belt.” 35 Cloud used guano
some, but believed that the more readily available compost
animal manures would serve the Alabama farmer’s interest
just as well — at a fraction of the cost. 36 Cotton -seed and
marl were also used to enrich the soil. Increasingly, fertilizers
enjoyed a wide usage and their promotion took on the aura of
a crusade. 37

By 1845 the agricultural crisis in Alabama was felt state-
wide. Alternately, droughts and rain had plagued the cotton
farmer. The boll worm and caterpillars were persistent nemeses.
Drastic fluctuations in cotton prices put the cotton planter in

* 3 Eufaula Democrat , March 6, 1849; Greensboro Alabama Beacon , August 25, 1849;
R. H. Powell, American Cotton Planter and Soil of the South , IV (March, 1857),
70; American Cotton Planter, II (January, 1854), 1-8; see also Minnie Clare
Boyd, Alabama in the Fifties (New York, 1931), 34-3 5.

84 Southern Cultivator, VI (February, 1848), 58.

3j Weymouth T. Jordan, “The Peruvian Guano Gospel in the Old South,” Agri-
cultural History, XXIV (October, 1950), 220.

*°Montgomery Weekly Alabama Journal, April 9, 1852; Alabama Cotton Planter II
(November, 1854), 328-329; American Cotton Planter and Soil of the South,
XII (March, 1858), 77.

3 Mobile Register and Journal, January 27, 1845; Southern Agriculturalist (May,
1844), 179; Boyd, Alabama in the Fifties, 34-36.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

a perilous position. 38 Against such an apocalyptic backdrop,
an agricultural meeting was called in February, 1845. The
conclave was probably the first statewide assembly of farmers
in Alabama. Meeting in Montgomery, delegates from various
counties discussed ways to check the growing despair. Their
principal conclusion was embodied in a resolution that the
poor “state of things grows out of the extreme low prices of
cotton, induced by an over-production of the article.*’ 30 Dis-
satisfaction with the staple crop was obvious. For the reform-
minded agriculturalists the needs were clear: More diversifi-

cation, increased cotton manufacturing, a geological survey
of the state to facilitate the mining of mineral resources, and
the formation of agricultural societies in the various counties.
Because of poor promotion, travel difficulties, sparse attend-
ance, and limited newspaper coverage the convention produced
something less than a mandate. Yet it had cogently pointed
out what needed to be done, and it paved the way for future
gatherings. 40

Far more often than not the Cassandra-like warnings of
the agricultural reformer fell on deaf ears. Staunchly in-
dividualistic farmers resented the pedantic advice of distant
editorialists. Leaving subscription costs aside, many farmers
refused on principle to take an agricultural journal. Instead,
they contemptuously labeled the reformers “book farmers” who
preached impractical notions. To mention that a certain farmer,
albeit eminently successful, took an agricultural paper caused
some to “run from his teaching as from a pestilence.” 41 Tra-
dition died hard among certain agrarians who refused to break
from the time-honored but often inefficient practices of their
forefathers. 42

In 1843, the thrust of what became known as the “Cloud
System first appeared in the Southern Cultivator . An agri-

Eufaula Democrat, June 19, 1849; Tuskegee Macon Republican, November 20,
1851; Montgomery Weekly Alabama Journal, September 4, 1852; Charles Lyell,
Second Visit to the United States of North America (London, 1849), 72.
^Tuscumbia North Alabamian, March 7, 1845.

""Mobile Register and Journal, February 22, 26 , 1845.

“Alabama Cotton Planter, II (February 1864)’ 55.

“Greensboro Alabama Beacon, August 25, 1849; Montgomery Weekly Alabama
Journal, April 24, 1852; Alabama Cotton Planter, I (September, 1853), 246.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

cultural journal published in Augusta, Georgia, the Cultivator
gave a wide audience to the then obscure Alabama agricultural-
ist. In its columns Cloud outlined a comprehensive plan that
allowed the farmer to increase his yield five fold (barring the
unpredictable interference of natural elements). Basic to
Cloud's cotton scheme was the use of fertilizer. Four to five
hundred bushels of a manure-based fertilizer should be added
to every acre planted. In fact, Cloud put his own slaves to
work “collecting barnyard manure, cotton seed, pine straw,
leaves, wood scrappings, brush, bars, trash . . .” 43 and other
items which would replenish the soil. Ideally, the land should
be allowed to lie fallow for a year before the staple was planted.
The terrain, leveled and measured, should also be plowed in a
way to prevent erosion. Anticipating skeptics, Cloud confi-
dently promised that if the predicted yield did not materialize,
he would provide the farmer with a sack of his own cotton seed.
By 1850 Cloud’s system was well known and his name had
become synonymous with agricultural reform. 44

The price cotton brought rose considerably after 1850
and remained on a high plateau throughout the decade. 45 Con-
sequently, agrarian rhetoric was more temperate, less fatalis-
tic, and infrequently framed in Armageddon-like terms. Con-
structive reform, however, went on. A watershed event in the
agricultural reform movement was the formation of the Ala-
bama Agricultural Society. Meeting at the capital in January
1855, the delegates evinced no sense of the keen despair that
hung over the convention held ten years earlier in the same city.
Scientific farming and agricultural cooperation instead of limit-
ing cotton productiop were the themes of this gathering. Isaac
Groom, an innovative and successful Greene County planter,
was elected president. Noah Cloud was the convention’s choice
for secretary. 46 That same year the society was put on a
sound financial footing when the state of Alabama provided

“Jordan, Ante-Bellum Alabama , 210.

M Southern Cultivator , I (January, 1843), 12-13; American Cotton Planter, II
(November, 1854), 341; Jordan, "Activities on Behalf of Southern Agriculture,”
54-55.

“Montgomery Advertiser and State Gazette, May 1 1, 18 53; Esseler, "Agricultural
Reform in Alabama, 249-250; Boyd, Alabama in the Fifties, 38-39.

“Montgomery Advertiser and State Gazette, January 13, 1855; Montgomery Mail,
January 11, 1855; Alabama Cotton Planter, III (February, 1855), 49-50.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

$10,000 for its operation. 47 The rejuvenated society proved
successful in diffusing agricultural information and promoting
experimentation on all levels.

The most publicized function of the state’s agricultural
society was the annual fair. Montgomery was the perennial
site of the spectacular extravaganza, first held in 1855. In-
variably staged in the fall of the year, the fair attracted Mont-
gomerians and others from across the state. 48

Thousands of marvelling spectators spent hours taking in
the numerous displays spread out over a lot of thirty acres.
A rambling and hastily thrown up edifice, known as the In-
dustrial Palace, housed many of the exhibits. Visitors to the
fair inspected banner crops, prize livestock, cotton gins, and
a host of products made at home. 40 The presence of “monkey
shows”, a “hairy woman”, a “double headed girl,” and a “liquor
shed where mean whisky was vended,” 50 drew criticism from
purists, but most people liked the carnival-like atmosphere.

Theater houses catered to the crowds and billed top at-
tractions. During fair week in 1860 John Wilkes Booth ap-
peared in “The Apostate.” On a swing through the South,
presidential hopeful Stephen Douglas also spoke in Montgomery
on that occasion. His otherwise hospitable reception was only
slightly marred by several eggs thrown at the “Little Giant”
as he spoke from the capitol steps. Traditionally, the Mont-
gomery Blues, a local militia organization, escorted the gover-
nor and members of the legislature to the fair grounds. The
festivities were climaxed by a chivalric jousting match and a
grand ball. Speeches made at the fairgrounds by agricultu-
ralists had effects difficult to measure but which probably did
some good. 51

Agricultural reform in Alabama was given its impetus by

"Acts of Alabama , 1855-1856, 343-344.

Montgomery Advertiser , November 20, 1855; American Cotton Planter, IV (No-
vember, 1856), 337; Esseler, "Agricultural Reform Movement in Alabama,” 252-

November 27, 1855; Montgomery Mail, November 18,
1857; Montgomery Advertiser, November 23, 1855.

Tuskaloosa Independent Monitor, November 11, 1858

Montgomery Post, October 30, 1800, November 7, 1860; Weekly Mont-

gomery Confederation, November 9, 1860.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

the collapse of cotton prices in the 1840’s. Initially, agrarian
discontent crystalized and focused on the universal practice of
radsing cotton, regardless of its harmful corollary effects. Those
who criticized the staple correctly pointed out that subservi-
ence to cotton placed the farmer at the mercy of outside in-
terests and ultimately wore out the land. But if the growth
of cotton declined, it did not do so appreciably, and the cash
crop’s price eventually rose. 52 Cotton production doubled dur-
ing the prosperous decade prior to the Civil War as the staple
survived a critical interlude. 53

It would be unfair to presume that the success or failure
of the agricultural reform movement hinged on the reduction of
cotton acreage. If this were a valid judgment, the effort
would have ended with the resurgence of cotton prices. In-
stead, the crusade accelerated and influenced greater numbers
of Alabama farmers. At least partly due to reform efforts farm
values tripled between 1850 and 1860 as thousands of acres
were opened and improved on. 54 With the extensive use of
fertilizers and innovative plowing techniques, farming became
less wasteful. It seems likely that farmers became somewhat
more self-sufficient. A number of Alabamians continued to
ably spread the gospel of scientific agriculture.

Spokesmen for the agrarian cause, their voices amplified
by the reform press, remained disenchanted with certain aspects
of cotton cultivation. Yet they were more inclined to advance
efficient methods to raise the crop than to recommend large-
scale abandonment of the staple. Because these early Alabama
farmers never experienced the extreme and prolonged hard-
ships that confronted latter-day agraraians, the reform move-
ment never achieved the unity and crusading zeal that members
of the Farmer’s Alliance and later Populists commanded during
the 1890’s. The drive for agricultural reform in Alabama was
sporadic, its intensity rising and falling with the price of cotton.
It was championed by various means : individuals, newspapers,
magazines, agricultural societies both state and local fairs.

“DeBow’s Review, XX (February,. 1852), 166; ibid., IV (September, 1847), 37.
53 Louis Vandiver Loveman (Compiler), Alabama Book of Facts and Historical
Statistics (Gadsden, 1975), 73.

“Ninth Census, 1870, Agriculture, 689-690.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

AH of these efforts considered together were important. They
constituted a genuine, pragmatic effort to sustain and re-
vitalize Alabama’s most important pursuit — agriculture.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

UP THE TOMBIGBEE WITH THE SPANIARDS:
JUAN DE LA VILLEBEUVRE AND THE
TREATY OF BOUCFOUCA (1793)* *

Jack D. L. Holmes

In the leyenda negra historical literature of the United
States in general, and the Alabama state histories in particular,
it has become fashionable to denigrate Spain’s three decades of
rule in the Mobile District (1780-1813) and to ridicule her
frontier officers, who seemed incapable of stemming the on-
rushing tide of American frontiersmen into the Old Southwest. 1
Fortunately, for historical truth, the documents extant, when
perused carefully, illustrate that Spain was not on her “last
legs,” and that skillful frontier diplomats and strategists had
actually succeeded in blocking the westward expansion of the
United States by making use of the same formidable barrier
which the French used to block English expansion prior to 1763.

On May 10, 1793, the Spanish comisario among the Choctaw
and Chickasaw Indians, Lieutenant-colonel Juan de la Ville-
beuvre, signed a three-article treaty of cession with twenty-six
great medal, 3mall medal chiefs, and captains of the Small
District Division of the Choctaw Indians at Boucfouca. 2 Un-

*This paper, which was read to the Alabama Academy of Science at Mont-
gomery, April 7, 1978, was made possible by a grant-in-aid from the U.A.B.
Faculty Research Committee, for which the author is very grateful.

Among the most xenophobic authors, few drip more vitriol from the pen than
Theodore Roosevelt, The 'Winning of the West (4 vols.; New York: G. P. Putnam’s
Sons, 1895-1896). Among the Alabama authors who pay scant attention to the
Spanish period are Albert James Pickett, History of Alabama and Incidentally of
Georgia and Mississippi , from the Earliest Period (2 vols:; Charleston, S.C., 1851; a
one-volume edition was published in Tuscaloosa, Alabama in 1962); and Peter J.
Hamilton, Colonial Mobile , and Historical Study . . . (Boston: Houghton-Mifflin,
1897; several revisions have been published, including one edited by Charles G.
Summersell, Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1976).

*The treaty is found in several places: Archivo General de Indias (Sevilla), Papeles
procedentes de la Isla de Cuba (after cited as AGI, PC), legajo 23 53; and Archivo
Historico Nacional (Madrid), Seccion de Estado (hereafter cited as AHN, EST.),
legajo 3898. It is printed in Manuel Serrano y Sanz, Espana y los indios cherokis
y chactas en la sequnda mitad del siglo xviii (Sevilla: Tip de la "Guia Oficial,”
1916), 90.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

like the treaties negotiated between the United States and the
Cherokees or even the Creeks, the Spanish treaty did not include
much land. For expenses estimated at $1,000 in gifts and
provisions, Spain acquired the support of the 10,000-brave
Choctaw Indians and the transfer of some thirty arpents of
land located at a strategic point near the confluence of the
Black Warrior and Tombigbee Rivers. 3 The arpent was a
French measure used throughout the Mississippi Valley, but
it was about .85 of an acre, thus making the land cession of
Boucfouca approximately 25% acres. 4

The treaty itself is a terse statement containing three
articles, stated in simple language that the Choctaws could
readily understand:

“Treaty of friendship between His Catholic Majesty, Great
King of Spain and of the Indies, party of the first part, repre-
sented by his Lieutenant-colonel Juan de la Villebeuvre, Captain
of Grenadiers in the Louisiana Infantry Regiment, 5 and com-
missioner for Spain among the Choctaw and Chickasaw Na-

3 Jack D. L. Holmes, "Spanish Treaties with West Florida Indians, 1784-1802,”
Florida Historical Quarterly , XLVIII, No. 2 (October, 1969), 152; Carondelet to
Duque de Alcudia, No. 24, Confidential, New Orleans, January 18, 1794, copy in
AGI, Audiencia de Santo Domingo, legajo 2531.

On the value of the arpent, see Jack D. L. Holmes, Gayoso, the Life of a Spanish
Governor in the Mississippi Valley, 1789-1799 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press for the Louisiana Historical Association, 1965; reprinted,
Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith 1968), 34 note.

On this military organization, see Jack D. L. Holmes, Honor and Fidelity: The
Louisiana Infantry Regiment and the Louisiana Militia Companies, 1766-1821,
Vol. I, Louisiana Collection Series of Books and Documents on Colonial Louisiana

(Birmingham: Louisiana Collection Series, 1965).

De la Villebeuvre s success in winning Choctaw support for Spain against the
British during the American Revolution and successful trips to the Nation in
1784, 1787 and 1788 led to his appointment as "comisario” or Commissioner of
the Choctaws and Chickasaws. Preliminary appointment included in Carondelet
to Franchimastabe, New Orleans, July 10, 1792, AGI, PC, leg. 122-A. The
ministry appointment was dated November 3, 1792, AHN, EST., leg. 3887.
Carondelet’s predecessor, Esteban Miro, has recommended de la Villebeuvre for
promotion after the successful missions. Certification of Miro, New Orleans, De-
J* 20, 1791 » attached to de la Villebeuvre’s petition, New Orleans, March 3,
1792, AGI Audiencia de Santo Domingo, legajo 2560. By 1795, his salary had
been raised to 800 pesos yearly and charged to the "Division of Immigration

an ndian Friendship” (Ramo de Poblacion y Amistad de Indies): AGI, PC, leg.
I o4-A.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

tions ; 6 and for the party of the second part, the following great
and small medal chiefs and war captains from the Small District
of the Choctaw Nation : 7

Nanhoula Mastabe
Totehouma
Tapina Hokio
Tascauna Opaye
Pouchahouma
Estonaka Opaye
Opayehouma
Paye Mastabe
Taskienia
Emalabe
Panchahouma
Janequi Mastabe
Tascapatapo

Cathia Opaye

Panchinantla

Tascapatapo

Tanimingui Mastabe

Alpatakhouma

Atougoulabe

Tanaphouma

Tchou Mastabe

Yatalahouman

Pouchahouma

Esatche Fiaha

Pancha Bahuole

Macheauche

“We all agree and covenant voluntarily in the village of
Boucfouca 8 to the following articles :

7 The three divisions of the Choctaws used by the French and the Indians them-
selves were the Great District (Gran Partida), given variously as Opatukla (Hodge,
I, 778), Oypatukla or Ahepat Okla, and located in the northeastern or eastern
section; the Small District (Pequena Partida) or Okla Falaya ("the long people”),
Indians from whom were scattered in small settlements over a large extent of
territory; and the Six Towns (Seis Aldeas), or Okla hannali, in the southeast,
closer to New Orleans. For all full discussion, see Frederick Webb Hodge (ed.).
Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico (2 vols.; Bureau of American
Ethnology Bulletin No. 30; Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907-
1910; reprinted, New York: Pagaent Books, 1959), I, 778; II, 115-116; Henry
Sale Halbert, "District Divisions of the Choctaw Nation,” Publications of the
Alabama Historical Society , Miscellaneous Collections , I (1901), 375-385; and
Jack D. L. Holmes, "The Choctaws in 1795,” Alabama Historical Quarterly,
XXX, No. 1 (Spring, 1968), 33-49.

8 As with all Indian spellings, there is much variation in the documents on
Boucfouca. It appears also as Boucfuca, Boukfuka, Buctuca, Bouctouca, and even
Bouctoucoulou. Hodge, Handbook , I, 289, states it was located on the head-
waters of the Pearl River in Mississippi. In Holmes, "Choctaws in 1795,” based
on the large padron (census) compiled at Fort Confederation on November 26,
1795 (located in the Louisiana Collection, Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California),
the word appears as Bucfuka. The small medal chief in 1795 was Atonajuman.
Two captains were Pelechihabe and Anchalemastabe. There were 104 people in
the village, including 26 warriors, 42 women and 33 children. In the map drawn
by Regis du Roullet in 1732, covering his pirogue voyage up the Pearl and along
the "chemin” from Boukfouka (sic) to Mobile, it appears that the town was
approximately in the vicinity of present-day Jackson, Mississippi. See map in

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

•‘Article One. That for the greater efficiency of distribu-
tion of the needs of the Small District and the entire Choctaw
Nation, their brothers, the Spaniards, will be granted owner-
ship of a plot of land measuring 30 square arpents more o
less, on the site which the French formerly occupied, for the
purpose of building thereon a warehouse or storehouse for pro-
visions and supplies, and a fort for protection of the Choctaws
from any nation which in the future might wage war against
them, a fort to be manned with cannon and troops. The Choc-
taws’ and their descendants will make no attempt to reclaim
the said ceded land, but on the contrary, they will always pro-
tect their brothers, the Spaniards, in the possession of said
storehouse and fort against any attempts to drive them from
their land.

“Second. The Spanish Nation declares a reciprocal offer
to defend and protect the land of their faithful allies, the
Choctaws, against any people who may attempt to disturb
them in the possession of said lands.

“Third. The said chiefs ratify and promise to be stead-
fast friends to the entire Spanish Nation and to preserve

Dunbar Rowland and A. G. Sanders (eds. and trans.), Mississippi Provincial
Archives , 17 10-1743 , French Dominion (3 vols.; Jackson: Mississippi Department
of Archives and History, 1927-1932), I, opposite 192. See also, ibid., 155-163.
’Spaniards used two terms to describe two separate military posts on the Tombig-
bee River. Old Fort Tombecbe, which is the site of the land cession in the
Treaty of Boucfouca, was located on Jones’s Bluff on the west side of the Tom-
bigbee River where the Alabama Great Southern Railroad crossed the River in
Sumter County. It is at Epes, Alabama, located seven miles north-by-northeast
of the campus of Livingston State University. During the 1735-1736 campaign
of Jean Baptiste LeMoyne, Sieur de Bienville, against the Chickasaws, DeLusser
was sent to construct a fort, which he named after the "Itomba-igabee” Creek
nearby. Ovens baked bread for Bienville’s troops who took 23 days to make the
trek from Mobile to Old Fort Tombecbe. Following the French and Indian War,
the British occupied it and renamed it Fort York, but after five years they
abandoned it. In 1794 the Spaniards constructed Fort Confederation on the site,
and during the 1802-3 period, Choctaw lands were "liberated” at treaties signed
there. Rowland and Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Archives, I, 258; Walter J.
Saucier and Kathrine Wagner Seineke, "Francois Saucier, Engineer of Fort de
Chartres, Illinois,” Frenchmen and French Ways in the Mississippi Valley, edited
by John Francis McDermott (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1969), 208;
Robert R. Rea, "The Trouble at Tombeckby,” Alabama Review, XXI, No. 1
(January, 1968), 21-39.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

what has been agreed at the Mobile Congress 1 " and thereafter
by the said governors.” 11

By the terms of this important treaty, Lieutenant-colonel
Juan de la Villebeuvre had extended Spanish control in north-
ern Alabama, and placed such posts in lower Louisiana and
West Florida as Mobile, Natchez and New Orleans under addi-
tional protection. It was part of Carondelet’s frontier defense
policy to extend Spanish domination into the Indian country,
win their support and, at the same time, block the land-grab-
bing ambitions of the Americans, which threatened both the
Indians and Spain in the possession of their lands.

Rather than resent the intrusion of Spain in the heart of
their hunting lands, the Indians seemed to welcome it as a
viable alternative to allowing American frontiersmen to overrun
their traditional hunting lands. As for Spain, any check of
American expansion through the use of their Red Men “sepoys”
(as Whitaker calls them), would save money and effect the
desired results without loss of Spanish life. Bloody Fellow,
a noted Cherokee chief, had come to plead with Governor-general
Carondelet in New Orleans during 1792 that a post be re-
established with a frontier fort at Old French Tombecbe and
the Muscle Shoals. He was aware that such treaties as Hope
well (1785 and 1786) and New York (1790) had “liberated”
Indian lands in favor of American frontiersmen, and he had
no wish to see such expansion continue into the Choctaw
lands. 12 The Spanish land cession treaties offered a dramatic
contrast with the rapacious American land cessions, so much
so, that the Creeks had a word for the frontiersmen who threat-
ened their livelihood: Ecunnaunnuxulgee — literally, “people

10 The Mobile Congress signed by the Choctaws on July 14, 1784, formed an al-
liance with Spain and established a schedule of fur prices and a list of annual
presents. Holmes, "Spanish Treaties With West Florida Indians,” 143-144.

"Thanks to important journeys made by Juan de la Villebeuvre to the Choctaw
camps during 1787 and 1788, Governor Esteban Miro won their strong allegiance.
Jack D. L. Holmes, "Juan de la Villebeuvre and the Spanish-Choctaw Alliance of
1787,” Unpublished paper given to the Missouri Valley History Conference,
Omaha, Nebraska, March 11, 1976.

"Jack D. L. Holmes, "Spanish Policy Toward the Southern Indians in the 1790 s,
Four Centuries of Southern Indians, edited by Charles M. Hudson (Athens: Uni-
versity of Georgia Press, 1975), 66-67.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

greedily grasping after all their lands.” 13

American promoters had long dreamed of converting the
thousands of acres between the Appalachians and the Mississippi
into flourishing, producing farms, linked to the outside world
by water courses which flowed into the Gulf of Mexico. Two
centuries before the Tennessee-Tombigbee canal project caused
such consternation among environmentalists, 14 Tennessee’s Wil-
liam Blount called for the construction of a canal from the
Tennessee River to the headwaters of the Tombigbee which
would make Muscle Shoals the “commercial capital of the Ohio
Valley.” The Georgia Legislature was persuaded to grant to
a speculation company headed by Zachariah Cox thousands of
acres near Muscle Shoals, and the project continued to pose a
threat to Spanish defenses of Lower Louisiana and West Florida
for a score of yeans. 15

Indeed, during 1792, Juan de la Villebeuvre attended a
general conference held at Muscle Shoals between the United
States and representatives from the Creeks, Choctaws, Chicka-
saws and Cherokees. His instructions from Governor-general
Carondelet made clear Spain’s intention to block American

"Benjamin Hawkins, Letters of Benjamin Hawkins, 1796-1806, Vol. IX, Collections
of the Georgia Historical Society (Savannah: Georgia Historical Society, 1916),
252.

H One of the best anti-canal, environmental statements is Johnny Greene, "Selling
Off the Old South,” Harper’s, CCLIV (April, 1977), 40-41. On Greene, see
Dale Short, "Demopolis Native Laments Tombigbee 'Progress’, ” Birmingham News,
April 1, 1977, Punch Section, p. 24. Another journalist, bemoaning what is
being done to the Tombigbee River ("Popular River May Soon Become a Big
Ditch,” New Orleans Times-Picayune, November 13, 1977, VI, 8), wrote, "The
Tombigbee River ... is one of the last great natural rivers of the Deep South,
winding its way through mostly virgin wilderness on its 240-mile route from
the northeast corner of Mississippi to its juncture with the Warrior River at
Demopolis, Ala., some 60 miles north of Mobile . . . With a stretch of 20 miles,
we saw the river change from wide, deep and gentle curves into swift- flowing
shallows dotted with submerged trees and gravel bars. We passed several smaller
rivers and streams emptying into the main body of water. At some places, the
river winds past sheer walls of clay and rock, 30 feet steep, and dense stands of
trees and foliage. Occasionally, we saw a great blue heron wing its way across the
water.”

Arthur P. Whitaker, "The Muscle Shoals Speculation, 1783-1789,” Mississippi
Valley Historical Review, XIII, No. 3 (December, 1926), 365-386; and The
Mississippi Question, 1795-180), A Study in Trade, Politics, and Diplomacy (New
York: D. Appleton-Century, 1934), 106-107.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

attempts to win over the various tribes, and he was largely
responsible for the failure of the Americans. 1( - The following
year de la Villebeuvre was sent to Boucfouca with orders to
shore up weak Spanish defenses against the possibility of
American frontiersmen driving into Northern Alabama. 7

Boucfouca attracted the early attention of the French in
1732, when Regis du Roullet poled his pirogue along the Pearl
River to the headwaters, not far from present-day Jackson.
The word, which was translated as “surrounded by bayous,”
was composed of three hamlets, each a quarter of a league from
the other, and all three surrounded by bayous for the extension
of at least twenty leagues in circumference. Since Regis du
Roullet had successfully negotiated the distance from Mobile
to Boucfouca, he suggested taking loaded pirogues there, es-
tablishing a storehouse and building a fort for the protection
of the colony. But the Rev. Father Beaudouin, a Jesuit mis-
sionary, pointed out that the rapid current and frequent sand
banks along a narrow channel made difficult — “if not to say
impossible” — so he recommended Tuscaloosa, the last Choctaw
village of the eastern part, where stone might be available to
build a good fort. Boucfouca thus lost out as the entrepot
between the Tombigbee headwaters and the Mobile River which
led into Mobile. 18

Three letters from Governor-general Carondelet illustrate
the importance of the Spanish acquisition of the site of Old
French Tombecbe for a fort. In the first, written in November,
1792, to the Conde de Aranda, Spanish Minister of State, Ca-
rondelet explained how three strategic locations held the key
to defense of the Old Southwest — Muscle Shoals on the Ten-
nessee River; the Walnut Hills on the Mississippi, near the

18 A draft of the instructions dated April 3, 1792, is in AGI, PC, leg. 122-A; an-
other, dated New Orleans, April 4, 1792, is in AGI, PC, leg. 18.

17 When de la Villebeuvre arrived at Boucfouca, he suffered a painful abcess on his
upper leg which confined him to his cot for a fortnight with fever so bad he
"could not write the official letters” with his own hand, de la Villebeuvre to
Carondelet, Boukfouka (sic), March 30, 1793, AGI, PC, leg. 208. This has also
been translated by Roberta and edited by Duvon C. Corbitt, "Papers From the
Spanish Archives Relating to Tennessee and the Old Southwest, 178 3-1800,”
Publications of the East Tennessee Historical Society, XXX ( 1958), 101.
18 Rowland and Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Archives, I, 136-163 and map,
I, opposite 192. See above, note 8.

58 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

confluence of the Yazoo River (present-day Vicksburg) ; and
Old French Fort Tombecbe on the Tombigbee near its confluence
with the Black Warrior. Carondelet described the visit to New
Orleans of Bloody Fellow, the noted Cherokee chief who be-
moaned the loss of tribal lands to the rapacious Americans and
warned against letting it happen in Alabama and Mississippi.
He urged the occupation of the old French fort as well as the
Muscle Shoals. 19

By referring to a rough set of maps which accompanied the
dispatches, 20 Carondelet pointed out that Fort Nogales, Old
Fort Tombecbe and Muscle Shoals all lay along a line of defense
for Mobile, some 80 leagues away from the two former sites.
Muscle Shoals was along the 34th parallel, some 30 leagues from
the east bank of the Mississippi; 34 leagues from the Ohio
River; and only 20 leagues from the Tombigbee at Epes. It
was obvious that the keystone to Spanish defenses, which also
included Fort San Esteban de Tombecbe, was the Old Fold:
Tombecbe. 21

To Aranda’s successor, the formidable Spanish minister,
Manuel de Godov, Duque de Alcudia and later Principe de la
Paz (1795), Carondelet explained that the situation of the 30
square arpents of land obtained by Spain at the Treaty of
Boucfouca, was located at 33° 10' North Latitude on the Chicka-
saw [Tombigbee] River, “on the same spot where the French
used to have a settlement named Old Tombecbe.” The Indian
comisario listed the advantages to Spain of acquiring the land:
“it will cover the vast land included between the Rivers Tom-
bigbee, Mobile, Yazoo, Mobile and Mississippi, and the Gulf
of Mexico.” Consequently, it would protect the settlements at

Carondelet to Conde de Aranda, No. 23, confidential, New Orleans, November
20, 1792, AHN, EST., leg. 3 898. It is summarized in Serrano y Sanz, Espana
y los indios, 64-65.

The maps are printed in Miguel Gomez del Campillo (comp.), Relaciones diplo-
maticas entre Espana y los Estados Unidos segun los documentos del Archivo His-
torico Nacional (2 vols.; Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas,
^1944-1945), I, opposite 272. See appendix.

Carondelet to Aranda, No. 23, Confidential, November 20, 1792. On the 1789-
17>9 history of Fort San Esteban de Tombecbe, often referred to as “New Fort
Tombecbe,” which later became St. Stephens, the territorial capital of Alabama,
see Jack D. L. Holmes, "Notes on the Spanish Fort San Esteban de Tombecbe,”
Alabama Review, XVIII, No. 4 (October, 1965), 281-290.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Nogales, Natchez, New Tombecbe [Fort San Esteban de Tom-
becbe], Mobile, and the rest in Lower Louisiana. Moreover,
it would lend support to the alliance which existed between the
Spaniards and the Choctaws. It would drive the American
frontiersmen from those fertile territories and block the project
they had of opening communication between the Pearl and
Tombigbee Rivers and the Gulf of Mexico. Finally, Caron-
delet wrote, it would place Spain in a position of being able
to communicate directly with the Cherokee Nation, whose lands
between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers Spain had great
interest in preserving. 22

Carondelet’s vigorous and generally effective Indian policy
had suffered when the Americans living around Nashville and
Knoxville, led by such formidable leaders as James Robertson,
John Sevier and William Blount, had encouraged the Chicka-
•saws to make war against the wandering hunting parties of
Creeks, and this unfriendly gesture had almost begun a full-
scale frontier war between the two tribes, a war whose effects
Carondelet realized would be a weakening of the Indians and
a chance for Americans to push them off their lands, particu-
larly at Chickasaw Bluffs and Muscle Shoals — the two most
strategic locations in the area. Carondelet hoped to forestall
American plans by arranging for a full-scale Indian conference
of Creeks, Chickasaws, Choctaws and Cherokees, and the Treaty
of Nogales, held in the fall of 1793, had the desired effect. 23

Carondelet proposed a stout frontier fort made from the
Tombigbee limestone, which was easy to cut and would become
hardened by the weather and time tie estimated the expense
of fort, storehouse for the commercial House of Panton, bar-
racks and other buildings at some $25,000 but he pointed out
that “their duration would be for all time [“eterna”], in lieu

22 Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 10, Confidential, New Orleans, June 11, 1793, AHN,
EST., leg. 3898. It is summarized in Elena Sanchez-Fabres Mirat, Situation
hist orica de las Floridas en la segunda mitad del siglo xviii (1783-1819): los
problemas de una region de frontera (Madrid: Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores,
Direccion General de Relaciones Culturales, 1977), 30-31.

On Spanish-American rivalry in this area see Jack D. L. Holmes, "Spanish-
American Rivalry Over the Chickasaw Bluffs, 1780-1795,” and "The Ebb-Tide
of Spanish Military Power on the Mississippi: Fort San Fernando de las Barrancas,
1795-1798,” Publications of the East Tennessee Historical Society , Nos. 34 (1962)
and 36 (1964), 521-543 and 32-33, respectively.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of those which we have made up to now out of wood, which
have cost some $15,000 and have barely lasted fifteen years.” 24

Carondelet’s third letter to his brother-in-law, the captain-
general of Cuba, was virtually a duplicate of his letter to Godoy,
but it also included a copy of the Treaty of Boucfouca. In
both official dispatches, Carondelet praised the work of his
Choctaw agents, Juan de la Villebeuvre the comisario, and Simon
Favre, the Choctaw-Spanish interpreter. Favre had been serv-
ing since 1780, when Spanish troops under Bernardo de Galvez
captured the Mobile District from the British, and as a result
of his good work on the Treaty of Boucfouca, Carondelet recom-
mended that his monthly salary of $45 be increased by one-third
to $60. Speaking of de la Villebeuvre, the governor-general
write :

“. . . he has labored diligently for more than a year
among the Choctaws and with much hard work he con-
cluded this treaty. Considering all his valuable con-
tributions, I hope you will apprise His Majesty of them
so that he may be awarded the salary of army lieu-
tenant-colonel.” 25

Fort Confederation, built the following year, formed a part
of the chain of fortifications which, together with the Spanish
Galley Sqaudron, units of the Louisiana Infantry Regiment,
and solidly backed by ten thousand Choctaw braves, kept the
American frontiersmen at bay. It was the betrayal at the
European treaty table which undid the long and arduous work
of such frontier-minded Spanish officers as Juan de la Ville-
beuvre. By the Treaty of San Lorenzo (Pinckney’s Treaty of
1795), Spain agreed to evacuate military posts north of the
31st parallel. In March of 1797, Fort San Fernando de las
Barrancas on the Chickasaw Bluffs and Fort Confederation on

“Carondelet to Alcudia, No. 10, Confidential, June 11, 1793. On the actual build-
ing of the fort and its three-year existence, see James P. Pate, "The Fort of the
Confederation: The Spanish on the Upper Tombigbee,” Unpublished paper read
to the Alabama Historical Association, Birmingham, April 28, 1972, and being
^considered for publication in the Alabama Review.

“Carondelet to Luis de Las Casas, No. 82, Confidential, New Orleans, June 11,
179.*, AGI, PC, leg. 1447. A translation is in the W.P.A., Dispatches of Spanish
Governors, Carondelet, VIII, 404-405.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

the Tombigbee Bluffs were both evacuated . 26 Spain’s final
retreat to Mexico would ensue in all too brief a time. And
then there would be Louisiana and Texas !

M De la Villebeuvre led the troops from Fort Confederation, where he had served

as last Spanish commandant, to "New Fort Tombecbe” Fort San Esteban de

Tombecbe, down the Tombigbee River. It is possible to ascertain from pay
records that the troops left the former on March 17 and arrived at the latter on
March 18, 1797. Juan Buenaventura Morales to Pedro Varela y Ulloa, No. 9,
Confidential, New Orleans, March 31, 1797, AHN, EST., leg. 3902; certification
of Francisco Fontanillas, San Esteban, April 30, 1797, AGI, PC, leg. 688.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

THE HOLTVILLE SCHOOL
A PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION EXPERIMENT

William B. Lauderdale

Twenty seven miles northwest of Montgomery, Alabama,
and one mile beyond the community of Slap-Out (in reference
to a once-popular song, a huge billboard announces that Slap-
Out is “where most of the stars fell”) stands the white stucco,
Spanish-styled, consolidated Holtville School. That school sits
in the center of what was, during the Depression years, one of
the most economically destitute counties in the state of Alabama.
As the Depression began, there were no paved roads in the
Holtville community, no telephones, no water system, and no
indoor toilets. There were few industries except for small
farms, and the land was red clay and poor. “In their eroded fields
farmers raised little but weevil-infested cotton, scrawny chick-
ens, and razer-backed hogs. Their wives perspired over hot
wood stoves and set unvarying suppers of corn pone, fat back,
and hominy grits.” 1 Hookworm infection was rampant and
there was wide spread whooping cough, pellagra, and measles.
The sparse population was politically, socially, and religiously
conservative. In that setting and in the World War II years,
that Holtville school of approximately 500 students and 18
faculty would become one of the nation’s most innovative and
well-known progressive schools.

Initially, curricular and pedagogical changes at the Holfc-
ville school began hesitantly and without benefit of any co-
herent philosophy of education. Doing new things and new
ways of doing old things were begun in response to specific
and immediate needs, both in the school and in the community.
Slowly, a philosophy began to emerge and by the middle 1940’s
could be articulated as a consistent if admittedly a very general
set of theoretical constructs. Because the philosophy and in-
novative practices of the Holtville school were presented essen-
tially in the popular press and aimed at a low audience, inade-

"Blake Clark, "‘Know-How’ at Holtville,” The Rotarian (May, 1946), 17.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

quate attention was given in the literature to concerns of
•significance in educational theory. This essay represents an
historical investigation of several of those unattended
namely, the factors which contributed to educational chanj
a rather isolated school situated in a conservative community,
the relationship of the Holtville innovations to the broader
progressive education movement in America, and those factors
which affected the decline of progressive practices and the re-
sumption of a conventional curriculum at Holtville.

What the popular press did print was uniformly positive
in praise of the Holtville program. With that program, ac-
cording to The Reader’s Digest , “the surplus energy of young
people has been harnessed into a powerful engine vitalizing
the whole community .” 2 The Rotarian claimed “there’s a new
spirit in Holtville . . . [and] the boys and girls . . . know it’s a
prosperous, upstanding community because they’ve made it that
way themselves .” 3 Life magazine published a four page spread
on Holtville High School, labeling the school as a place that
“has completely taken a lead in all community life by making
the community a better, richer place in which to live .” 4 The
federal government was so impressed with the program that
the State Department’s Office of Education filmed “The Story
of Holtville,” translated it into twelve languages and marked
it for distribution in twenty-two countries of Europe and South
America as part of the United States Cultural and Information
Program . 5 Through such efforts by the popular media, Holt-
ville attained fame without the hardships or benefits of serious
criticism. For a school as radically different as Holtville, there
existed in the literature a general acceptance or tolerance not
enjoyed by other experimental progressive schools of that era.

2 Stuart Chase, "Bring Our Youngsters Into the Community,” The Reader \ Digest,
XL (January, 1942), 9.

3 Clark, "'Know-How’ at Holtville,” 56.

‘"Democracy in U.S. Schools: Holtville, Ala.,” Life, X (January 13, 1941), 68.

“Bill Edwards, "Story of Education in Holtville Brings Student’s Life to Screen,
The Birmingham Post, October 31, 1947. A number of newspaper articles and
editorials concerning the making and showing of the film "The Story of Holtville
were printed also in The Alabama Journal and The Montgomery Adi er User in
1947-48. The film was made during October and November, 1947, by the In-
ternational Motion Picture Division, Office of Education and Information, State
Department, Washington, D.C. A copy of the film, not for distribution, is
housed at the Holtville school.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The Holtville school was marked for distinction even before
anyone thought of changing the program. A new school build-
ing was needed in the mid-1920s, and the county superintendent
of education and the local board of education requested the
counsel of the Alabama State Superintendent of Education,
Dr. Arthur F. Harmon. After a tour of the school facilities,
agreement was reached that a new structure should be built.
Dr. Harmon then took his walking cane and in the sand traced
out a design of a school he had seen and admired on a trip he
had taken to California. Two architects were present and
they transferred the design to paper. * 6 Construction began soon
after that meeting, and the building was completed in 1929.

There was a striking incongruity between the new building
and the physical appearance in the surrounding home dwellings.
In describing the community of Holtville of that era, Blake
Clark noted “its unpainted frame houses were spotted with black
where weather-beaten boards had rotted. Dirt yards were dusty
in summer and muddy in winter. The inevitable Chic Sale
retreat leaned in the corner of the barn lot.” 7 In the midst
of that stood the new school — pure white stucco and of Spanish
design. The large central auditorium contained arched win-
dows and large front columns extended with the breezeways,
leading to wings on either side. One wing housed elementary
and the other high school classrooms, both having small repro-
ductions of the central auditorium. Decorations of brown and
green tile graced the front of the building. It is not difficult
to imagine the ease with which the school became the center
for community activity nor unreasonable to speculate that such
an imposing structure lent itself to, and actually encouraged,
the development of a community-school concept.

One year before the building was completed, two men were
hired who would prove to be critical to the development of Holt-
ville as a progressive school. Historically, the success of a pro-
gressive school seems to depend less on the nature of programs
than on the power of certain personalities within the school.
For Holtville, it would be James Chrietzberg as principal and

Florence C. Strock Abrams, "Stately White Spanish Building,” The We tump ka

Herald, June 20, 1968.

7 Clark, " 'Know How’ at Holtville,” 17.

SPRING and SUMMER. 1978

John Formby as vocational agricultural teacher,

onstrate remarkable dedication to a commui

and who would, by the strength of their personalitie . 1

a progressive program in a stronghoh ditical,

religious conservatism.

In spite of what curriculum specialists such ae John I).
McNeil have indicated recently, the program was not associated
ideologically with the brand of social reconstru 1

by such reformers as George Counts or Theodore Brameld.
Rather, the Holtville experiment anticipated by several years
Life Adjustment Education, and it focused on key aspects of
that movement. The central features of Life Adjustment Edu-
cation on which Holtville concentrated were community in
ment in school affairs, the need for supervised program of work
experience for most high school students and the impoi
of ‘‘functional experiences in the areas of practical arts, hoi
and family life, health and physical fitness. . .

Having completed his studies at Alabama Polytechnic In-
stitute (now Auburn University), John Formby arrived at Holt-
ville in 1928. He immediately conducted a survey to determine
local needs in order to delineate the methods by which the school
might best serve the community. Because the farming situa-
tion was so bad, the list of needs was long, but a leading request
was for a threshing machine. Oats was a Holtville crop that
had to be used rather than marketed because no thresher was
available. Through the Farm Security Administration, the
school obtained a loan and a thresher was purchased. The
vocational agriculture students used the machine both as a
learning experience and as a service to the farmers. The small
fee charged for the service was used to repay the loan. The
students learned, the farmers profited and the school made
money with which to purchase other equipment. Thereby began
a most incredible development where a school would become not
only the center of activity in a community but also a major
industry for the community.

Farmers around Holtville were losing 25 per cent of the

"John D. McNeil, Curriculum (Boston, 1977), 19-24.

“United States Office of Education, "Life Adjustment Education for Every ^outh
(Washington, n.d.), 17, found in Lawrence A. Cremin, The Tran* for mat, on of
the School (New York, 1961), 3 35.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

meat they slaughtered because of inadequate processing. The
school built the first refrigeration plant, quick freeze room,
and locker storage in the area. Alternative ways of preserving
meat were also available to the farmers through the school.
Mr. Formby noted that the services provided were thorough —
“We would kill the hog, chill him out, cut him up, cure him,
smoke the meat and give the product back to the farmer here
as a finished product.” 10 In one year, the students handled
about 95,000 pounds of pork and 6,000 pounds of beef, serving
655 customers. 11 In a typical month, the boys would spray 5,000
orchard trees with a school-owned power sprayer, contour plow
100 acres of farm land with three school-owned tractors, 12 and
hatch and sell over 3,000 chicks from the school-owned hatch-
ery. 13 The girls, under the supervision of the home economics
teacher, Mrs. Holt, ran a fully functioning tannery plant that
had been scavenged from a defunct federal relief project. They
were able to process over 10,000 cans of meat, fruits and vege-
tables a summer. 14 Other profitable community services that
doubled as vocational training included a school barber shop,
a beauty parlor, a farm repair shop, a print shop, and electrical
wiring done on contract. In the science clashes the students
developed, packaged, and marketed hand cream, tooth powder,
corn, and varnish remover. A community recreational center
was created at the school and the most popular activites were
bowling on a student-constructed alley and attending a student-
operated movie. These and other profitable ventures required
the establishment of a student-run bank that would transact
business up to $750 per day. 15

These projects were intended as learning experiences and

Taken from a tape recording of the author’s interview with Mr. John Formby in
^Holtville, Alabama, March 20, 1978, hereafter cited as Formby interview.
Whilden Wallace, James Chrietzberg, and Verner M. Sims, The Story of Holtville
(Deatsville, Alabama: Holtville High School Press, 1944), 150. This paperbound
book is a narrative account of what happened at Holtville during the experi-
mental years, written in story form and using data from a 1942 Faculty Report
to the Director of the Southern Study. The authors felt that the Faculty Report
was too technical and they wanted to tell the Holtville story in a more readable
fashion.

“Ibid., 112.

^Maxine Davis, "Lots Goes On Here,” Country Gentleman (March, 1941), 67.
Wallace et al., The Story of Holtville, 147.

15 Ibid ., 57.

SPRING and. SUMMER, 1978 G7

vocational training, but they also allowed a significant ary

return for the purchase of school equipment, materials, and
construction. However, such returns were inadequate for
needs of a school that provided community services requiring
very expensive equipment and a construction program that
created a ten-building campus. To support these activities, the
administration and faculty allowed no opportunity to escape
their attention in the constant search for sources of funding.
Obviously, some monies came from state and county appropria-
tions. Further, the Southern Association of Colleges and Sec-
ondary Schools provided assistance. But Holtville pressed be-
yond these typical agencies to demonstrate unusual resource-
fulness in finding what they needed. For example, the school
initiated several projects jointly with the National Youth Ad-
ministration, and these efforts paid off not only in programs
and material but also in substantial on-campus building and
construction. Aid was sought by the school from a number
of federal agricultural programs, and loans were obtained from
the Federal Security Administration at 3 per cent interest.
As the following vignette should illustrate, obtaining materials
could require also grit and tenacity:

United States Senator from Alabama, Lister Hill, had suc-
cessfully introduced a bill in Congress that allowed Army sur-
plus materials to be donated to schools. Mr. Formby repeatedly
visited area Army bases in hopes of getting vocational equip-
ment and was repeatedly turned away, in some cases without
even making it past the post gate. He reported this to a com-
munity resource group, and they promptly bought him a train
ticket to Washington, D.C. His best contact was Senator Hill
himself, a Senator chagrined that people from his own state
were not being assisted by his bill. He sent Mr. Formby directly
to the Chief of Staff of the United States Army who personally
called the Chief of Staff, Fifth Army, Atlanta Headquarters, to
say that he was sending a gentleman from Holtville, Alabama,
for the purpose of obtaining surplus equipment and, he added
a little testily for emphasis, “if you don’t have what he wants,
you help him find it.”

When Mr. Formby arrived in Atlanta, the Army staff was,
in his words, “looking for him.” The initial contact produced

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

four large tractor-trailer loads of equipment. The school eventu-
ally received, under the provisions of the bill, a brand new crank
shaft grinding machine, twelve gas-driven electric welders, and
fourteen electric-driven electric welders. For building dams,
fish ponds, and watering holes, they obtained two draglines,
an angledozer, a bulldozer, ditching machine, road patrol, and
a large tractor-trailer for transportation of the earth moving
equipment. The spectacular result of such enterprising ways
was a school that was able to make available to a poverty ridden
community the services of its youth, using equipment that in
the 1940s was valued at one-half million dollars. 10.

Granted, all activities noted thus far are associated with
vocational education. Such involvements may be necessary,
but they certainly are not sufficient to warrant a label of pro-
gressivism generally or Life Adjustment Education specifically.
In fact, until the late 1930s, the Holtville school remained dis-
tinctly non-progre&sive in substantial ways. There were regu-
lar classroom tests, subject-centered teaching, standardized ex-
aminations, report cards, letter grades, and a highly structured
school schedule. A legitimate date to mark the turning point
of Holtville’s commitment to progressive education is 1938 when
the faculty initiated broad-based curriculum reform. However,
the establishment of a context whereby that reform could take
place had been nurtured through the activities of a decade.
Namely, the faculty under Chrietzberg had gained acceptance
by, and the confidence of, the community at large. The beauty
and spaciousness of the physical plant itself encouraged a com-
munity-school concept. The vocational efforts received “good
press,” and the community took pride in such notoriety and
hoped it would continue. People in Holtville had grown com-
fortable with the idea that education could affect directly the
physical conditions and life-style of the community itself. Most
important, members of the community had grown accustomed
to the presence of educational change. These were the factors
that set the context for, and gave impetus to, the establishment
of Holtville as a progressive school. The event that sparked
curriculum reform in 1938 was the invitation to the Holtville
school to participate in an experimental project conducted by
the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools.

16 Formby interview.

SPRING and SUMMER 1978

The Southern Association Study in Secondai
Colleges, known as the Southern Study, was the work of the
Commission on Curricular Problems and R
tablished in 1935 by the Southern Association of Colleges and
Secondary Schools. Although

on a state-wide basis had been going on in tl • 1929

no large scale “controlled experimental inn' had
on a regional level. 17 Some southern educators had been pro-
voked that the South was not represented ii tl
Study instituted by the Progressive Educi
1932. The Southern Study was to some extent an attempt to
rectify that omission. A number of Eight-Year Study person-
nel were used in a variety of ways, and the successes and fail-
ures of the Eight-Year Study were constantly monitor*
advantage of the Southern Study. 18 Although the Southern
Study eventually deviated from the format of the Eight-Year
Study, the similarities were substantial.

The Commission on Curricular Problems and Research se
lected as participants thirty-three Southern schools and work
began in 1938. For the faculties and schools involved, the
Commission supplied financial assistance and expertise for
workshops and conferences, scholarships and grants-in-aid. on-
site consultantships, and summer programs at Southern institu-
tions of higher learning. New educational practices were to be
developed largely fry the local participants, and each school was
expected to create a unique program of reform. Early in 1938
Holtville was selected as a Southern Study School and that sum-
mer James Chrietzberg, along with three of his teachers, at-
tended a six- week Southern Study workshop at Vanderbilt
University. 19 A commitment to progressive reform at Holtville
was thereby formally established.

Over a period of time and after a good deal of committee
and individual study, a consensus evolved on the part of the
Holtville faculty

l7 Frank Jenkins, Druzilla Kent, Verner Sims, and Eugene Waters, Cooperative
Study for the Improvement of Education,” Southern Association Quarterly , X
(February, 1946), 12.
y *lbid., 25.

'"Wallace et al ., The Story of Holtville, 160.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

. . . that personality growth and development, health
and physical development, economic well-being, the
ability to solve the many commonplace problems around
the school, in the home, and the community, and simi-
lar problems should be the real aims of education. 20

Because of the precedent set by and success of the vocational
efforts prior to 1938, the progressive orientation continued
throughout the 1940s to focus on using the school to improve
the physical, economic, social and recreational conditions in the
community.

With the assistance of Southern Association consultants,
summer workshops for the faculty and help from the state col-
lege at Auburn, a curriculum model developed at Holtville on
the secondary school level that was unique, radically progressive,
and highly individualized. Each student, with parental assist-
ance, selected a vocation or a generalized goal that became “the
focal point for his learning and all his courses (were) pointed
at it.” 21 It was on the basis of that vocation or goal that the
student selected an advisor from among the teachers.

During the latter part of the school year, the student
worked closely with the advisor on developing a plan of study
for the next year. Always keeping in mind the general goal
and previous skills attained, provisions were made through the
plan to further refine and give direction to learning. When
school resumed in September, plans were solidified in terms
of specifying the organized groups and activities in which the
individual would participate. By 1943, there were 119 different
groups and activities, ranging from the traditional algebra,
chemistry, and Spanish to the more non-traditional gardening,
sewing, and salesmanship groups. 22

The school day was organized around four, ninety-minute
blocks. This arrangement gave some basic structure for plan-
ning, but the blocks lasted long enough to allow for a great

“James Chrietzberg, "A Rural High School and its Community,” Southern Associa-
tion Quarterly, III, (August, 1939), 469.

Milbrey Frazer Covert, "A Report on Holtville,” Southern Agriculturist (January,
1948) 19.

“Wallace et al., The Story of Holtville, 32-33.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

deal of flexible scheduling of individual programs. Each day
the student planned specific activities for those blocks of time
to meet both his or her intermediate as well as long-range
goals.

In the home room, the teacher examined each student’s
plans, helping to see that he had a balanced day if at
all possible — some indoor work, some outdoor work;
a certain amount of study, something requiring the use
of the hands ; some individual work, some group work ;
a reasonable amount of play; some service to other
people, some work on personal goals . 23

Serious attempts were made to interrelate activities. For
example, the creation of a plan of study was itself used as an
exercise in writing skills and the document was checked care-
fully by an English teacher. This procedure was also used
with project proposals, whether group or individual. In the
area of mathematics, the actual problems that boys encountered
in their farming efforts required computation skills, and mathe-
matics was thus learned as a real-life activity. The science
of nutrition was learned and the diets of families improved as
home economics students were assigned projects for planning
and preparing well-balanced meals. Whenever possible, subject
matter was to be learned through working on actual life prob-
lems.

One difficulty faced by every progressive school involved
the process of student evaluation. The traditional practice of
periodically rating students by use of letter grades was incon-
gruent with the entire progressive mode of the Holtville school.
Therefore a system of reporting was devised in which oach
student completed a written self-evaluation approximately every
six weeks. This report included a statement of aims in terms
of personality growth, social learning, and academics along with
an itemized account of accomplishments. The report was in-
cluded in a folder containing samples of the student’s work and
a detailed written evaluation of the student by the teachers.
The folder was shared with the parents who were themselves
encouraged to enter comments. Further, provisions were made

,3 Ibid. t 63.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

for program and faculty evaluations by the students.

As was the case with the Eight- Year Study, the college
bound student from Holtville did not seem to be hampered aca-
demically by the flexible scheduling, self-directed learning, and
interrelating of subject matter. Of course, the sample size from
Holtville was too small to warrant generalizations or infer sub-
stantive conclusions. For example the class of 1942 had only
six people out of sixty-two graduates go on to college. 24 How-
ever, those who did go to college during the years of the South-
ern Study did extremely well. Discussing that era, Blake Clark
notes that “a comparative record of Alabama high school grad-
uates in various colleges shows that Holtville High boys and
girls were first one year, and always rank in the top quarter.” 25
Further, Mr. Chrietzberg reported that standard achievement
and ability test scores were unaffected by the switch to progres-
sive techniques. 26

Holtville was at its peak as an innovative and progressive
school when the Southern Study ended in 1944. The school had
achieved national acclaim, and the community that supported
it had itself been revitalized. A beautification program initiated
and sustained by the students had given the homes and yards
a new and brighter look. Agricultural education and home
economics had changed radically the diets provided in the homes
and the earning power of the farms themselves. School services
in the area of health and dental care also affected positively the
physical well-being of Holtville students. Community recrea-
tion was centered in the school. Most important, students were
given substantial responsibility for directing their own educa-
tion although the atmosphere of the school certainly provided
pressure for organizing learning around the world of work.

The Holtville school could have served as a model for the
Life Adjustment Education movement that developed in the
late 1940s. Ironically, the articulation of a progressive philoso-
phy at Holtville emerged as a result of initiating certain educa-
tional practices while the prime task of Life Adjustment Edu-

™lbid., 141.

Blake Clark, 'Holtville Youth Leads the Way,” Readers Digest (June, 1946), 68.
' 6 Wallace et al., The Story of Holtville, 76.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

cation was one of “translating conventional progressive wisdom
into contemporary educational practices.”- 7 Of furth
the experimental programs at Holtville were slowly being dis-
mantled as Life Adjustment Education wa-
in his dissertation entitled “The Eight-Year Study —

Years Later/’ Frederick Redefer reported that little remained
of any experimental programs in all thirty high schools that
participated in the Eight-Year Study. 28 Progressive schools
generally have a way of returning to that which is conventional.
Holtville was to be no exception. Some of the factors that
contributed to the decline of that experimental program are
common to those that advanced the loss of the national pro-'
gressive education movement. Other factors are unique to the
Holtville experience.

Two devastating events, both fires, played a major role
in crippling the service function of the Holtville school to the
community. The first fire occurred in 1945, destroying the
refrigeration plant, hatchery, canning plant, dehydration plant,
printing press, and dark room. Damage was estimated at
$75,000 and the school had no insurance against such a loss.*'’
Money was borrowed and the facilities were rebuilt and a fire
engine purchased. In 1949, a fire started in the wood shop,
-spread to the machine shop, the automobile mechanic shop, the
quick freeze plant, the canning plant and the grist mill. The
estimated damage this time was $250, 000. 80 To add humiliation
to the loss, the fire truck stood with a dead battery outside
the building that housed the automobile mechanic shop and it-
self was burned. Again, some rebuilding was done but it was
that second fire, according to Mr. Formby, that disabled the vo-
cational aspects of the program in a substantial way.’ 1 Further,
small businesses were developing in Elmore County which
lessened the need for the school’s involvement in serv ice areas.
Some of these activities were begun as a part of the school
program and then sold to private ownership, e.g., a wood work-
ing plant that provided forty-five jobs in the community. 12

* 7 Cremin, The Transformation of the School, 3 35.
ts Ibid., 256.

i9 Covert, "A Report on Holtville.”

“"Famous Holtville High is Burned,” The Birmingham Post (May 12, 1949), 1.
!1 Formby interview.

“Film, "The Story of Holtville.”

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

It is clear also that there was never any intention of sus-
taining all of the innovations created during the period of the
Southern study. It was, as Mr. Chrietzberg’s daughter, Mrs.
Florence Abrams, stressed, an experimental study. She also
pointed out that the easy access was diminished to material for
the school from the military. 33 Further, many of the experi-
mental programs ran counter to Alabama State Department of
Education regulations, and it is a credit to that agency that
they released Holtville from such requirements during the pe-
riod of the Southern Study. 34 However, these special arrange-
ments which had allowed Holtville tremendous latitude for
experimentation could not be continued indefinitely.

Many of the teachers in the 1930s and 1940s were single
and boarded out in the community or lived in the teacherage
on the school grounds. As Mrs. Abrams pointed out, the school
and the community were their chief concerns and they were
willing to focus all their time and energy on the experimental
program. 35 The teaching profession was changing after World
War II in such a way that such singularity of purpose, even in
rural settings, was no longer typical.

The national conservative swing in the 1950s extended
to the state of Alabama and that may be the most significant
factor affecting the decline of the experimental program at
Holtville. In Alabama, the conservative reaction was coalesced
through an election for a State Superintendent of Education.

W. J. Terry rode the crest of the conservative swing
and campaigned for the state superintendency on the
promise to return the schools to quality education of
former times when education meant the development
of the intellect through the subject matter disciplines.
Though he avoided the typical polemics against pro-
gressive education, his message was clear and his cam-
paign successful. He became Alabama’s State Super-
intendent of Education in 1951. 36

Taken from a tape recording of the author’s interview with Mrs. Florence Abrams
in Montgomery, Alabama, February 21, 1978, hereafter cited as Abrams interview.
M Film, "The Story of Holtville.”

“ 5 Abrams interview.

^William B. Lauderdale, "A Progressive Era for Education in Alabama (1935-
1951) ” The Alabama Historical Quarterly , XXXVII, (Spring, 1975), 61.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Key personnel that supported progressive programs left the
State Department of Education. A new State Course of Study
was written reflecting an extremely conservative philosoph> of
education. There was an influx of people into Elmore County
in the 1950s who supported strongly the conservative reaction
that was evident state-wide. County-wide, there developed a
diminishing vocational orientation to the lay public’s expecta-
tion of the school and an expanding need for assurances that
the young people were learning the basics. 07

By the time Mr. Chrietzberg retired in 1959, the school that
he had led to national acclaim and notoriety for its radical
innovations had settled into a rather conventional mode with
a fairly conservative curriculum. Mr. Chrietzberg did not find
this disillusioning. He had started the experimental program
as a response to the needs and desires of the local community
and to the principle of local control he held true when his school
became conservative.

The Holtville School still stands as a remarkable structure
in what remains a very rural county in Alabama. The main
building has recently been added to the Alabama Register of
Landmarks and Heritage and so funds may now be available
for much needed repairs. More important, such registration
insures preservation. In spite of all the new school plant ad-
vantages with modular designs, open spaces, and movable walls,
there is something very special about the character of a build-
ing with solid brass thresholds beneath entrance doors which
hang below arched sixteen-paned windows and lead to hallways
with high ceilings, wainscoting, ant reaky hardwood floors.

Demographic changes continue to occur in the Holtville
community. There is a decreasing proportion of families who
make their living* solely by farming. People who work in
Montgomery and even Birmingham are moving into the county
to escape city life and often to build on lake property provided
by the back waters of Jordan Dam. The migration allows for
increasing social and economic heterogeneity and diversity of
thought, belief, and value systems.

37 Taken from a tape recording of the author’s interview with the present principal
of the Holtville school, Mr. William Earnest, in Holtville, Alabama, March 20,
1978.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The school continues to serve grades one through twelve,
and there are now enrolled slightly more than 1,000 students.
The curriculum is single tracked and the only evidence of a
vocational program is in the area of industrial arts, which can
be taken as an elective. The school is still used consistently as
a meeting place for community organizations. Unfortunately
but unavoidably, the central auditorium has been turned into
classroom space, and this arrangement has curbed substantially
the kinds of programs that the school can accommodate. Prin-
cipal William Earnest hopes to re-establish the auditorium in
the next several years for school and community events.
The most obvious and significant change from the progres-
sive era is that the student body is now 19 per cent black.
All of the students see “The Story of Holtville ,, and a substan-
tial number of white children can identify relatives and other
members of the community who had roles in the film. Through
the film and from the parents many -students come to know
that the Holtville school has an important heritage. It would
be interesting to know if that affects even partially the atmos-
phere of the school. 38

My wife, Vicki, and I have consistent and frequent contact with public schools in
Alabama, and Holtville to us had a very special feeling. There seems to be an
absence of any racial tensions, and the students appear unusually relaxed, ex-
tremely pleasant and considerate. They smile and speak to strangers who pass, and
they perform simple courtesies willingly and with ease. If their behavior in the
school does not come from the knowledge of its history, such behavior certainly
seems a tribute to it.

SPRING and SUMMER. 1978

®l* \\ topic of

Tallapoosa County, (Alabama,

ani> ttje

^iforsesljoe £ienh Rattle (Anniversary
Commission

extend gou an earnest anh corbial invitation
to be present at tbje site of tt]c

Rattle (§rounb, ttnelbe miles norilj of JlabrOille,

on J&aturim^, 4, 1914,

at 10:00 o’clock a. m.
for tf|c celebration of tlje

(Due JfunbreMl] (Anniversary of the
Rattle of ^forsesl|oe ££eni>,

fought between tl]e American forces
ani) tf|e
Creek 3nirians

at tijat point, on ^fHarrlj 27, 1814

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

THE CENTENNIAL CELEBRATION OF THE BATTLE OF
HORSESHOE BEND

Paul A. Ghioto

When the hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Horse-
shoe Bend, the final battle of the Creek Indian War, was ob-
served on Saturday July 4, 1914, more people visited the battle
site than on any previous occasion — or any date since. The
crowd that festive summer day was estimated at being from
eight to ten thousand people.

Planning for the big event first began in March, 1907
when Decatur banker Samuel Sinclair Broadus visited the his-
toric peninsula in Tallapoosa County. Aware of the battle’s
national significance, he pressed the Alabama Legislature for
creation of a special committee to plan a proper centennial
celebration.

Accepting Sinclair’s arguments, the Legislature established
the Horseshoe Bend Battle Anniversary Commission on Au-
gust 6, 1907, and appropriated a sum of $2500.00 for expenses.
Members of the original Commission (who served without pay)
were as follows: chairman, Gov. Braxton Bragg Comer; sec-
retary, Dr. Thomas McAdory Owen, Director of the Ala. Dept,
of Archives and History; Samuel Blount Brewer, Tuskegee;
Thomas Lafayette Bulger, Dadeville; John William Overton,
Wedowee ; Felix L. Smith, Rockford ; and James William
Strother, Dadeville.

The Commission met formally for the first time in Febru-
ary, 1909. On July 3, 1909, it sponsored a holiday picnic at
Horseshoe Bend. This occasion laid the groundwork for the
greater festivities to come five years later. Governor Comer,
Commission of Agriculture and Industries J. A. Wilkinson, and
Fifth District U. S. Congressman J. Thomas Heflin were prin-
cipal speakers. 1

1 Tallapoosa Courier, (Camp Hill, Ala.) Thursday July 8, 1909. On file in Talla-
poosa County Courthouse.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

The nucleus of the present Horseshoe Bend National Mili-
tary Park was acquired by the Commission on January 18. 1911
when it bought 5.1 acres of land for the sum of one dollar
Mrs. Nora E. Miller of Dadeville. Mrs. Miller, st torian

for the recently formed U. S. Society of the D aught i u,

was an enthusiastic supporter of the battlefield for national
park status. In the deed of sale she had written that if a momi
ment to Andrew Jackson’s victorious army was not erected on
the Gun Hill acreage within four years, that the land would
revert to her possession. 2

To prevent this, Representative Heflin sought passage of a
monument bill. On April 2, 1914, the 63rd Congress authorized
the appropriation of $5000.00 for a suitable memorial stone to
mark the spot where Jackson's force broke forever the power
of the^ Creek Nation. 3

The actual centennial of the battle was observed on
March 27, 1914 at the county courthouse in Dadeville when,
following the customary speechmaking, a bronze plaque was
unveiled. The inscription, in part, reads : “This tablet is placed
by Tallapoosa County in commemoration of the One hundredth
anniversary of the Battle of Horseshoe Bend fought within its
limits on March 27, 1814. There the Creek Indians, led by
Menawa and Other Chiefs, were defeated . . . This battle . . .
brought peace to the Southern frontier and made possible the
speedy opening up of a large part of the State of Alabama
to civilization.” 4

The greater anniversary observance was scheduled for
Saturday, July 4th, As the date approached, preparations began
in earnest.

2 Deed, Mrs. Nora E. Miller to Horseshoe Bend Battle Anniversary Commission. Janu-
ary 18, 1911. Copy on file at Horseshoe Bend National Military Park.

3 U. S. Congress, House, An Act to appropriate $5000 to erect a suitable monument
at the battle ground at the Horse Shoe, on the Tallapoosa River , in the State of
Alabama. Pub. L. 79, 63rd Cong., 1st sess., H. R. 9671, Sunday Cii il Appropria
tions Act. Statutes at Large Vol. XXXVIII, 636. Made of unpolished North
Carolina granite, the Congressional Monument was erected on the battlefield in
August, 1918 and formally transferred from the War Department to the State of
Alabama on November 11.

Trogram and Order of Exercises, celebration of Battle’s One Hundrcdtn Anniver-
sary by Tallapoosa County, March 27, 1914.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

J. B. Rylance, Dadeville, headed the Commission’s Trans-
portation Committee. Roads were not the best then and his
job was not an easy one.

On May 29, he suggested in a newspaper article that “in
order to avoid confusion and accidents on July 4th . . . auto-
mobile drivers are earnestly requested . . . not to use the state
highway between Dadeville and a point one mile south of
Miller’s Bridge.” Wagons and buggy drivers were allowed to
use the state highway. Rylance promised that the alternate
route would be “marked and in good condition.”

On June 5, and again on the 12th he advertised for rental
of fifty wagons, surreys and automobiles to transport visitors
to Horseshoe Bend on July 4th. Good pay was offered.

Rylance advised all overnight visitors who wished hotel ac-
commodations in Dadeville to telegraph ahead and obtain reser-
vations. Townspeople were also asked to help provide housing
for the hundreds of guests expected.

The week before the celebration, Rylance travelled to Mont-
gomery and on his return placed flags at strategic road points
to direct travellers to Horseshoe Bend. Those coming by auto-
mobile from the capital were to come by way of Tallassee. 5

On the battlefield, a speaker’s stand was erected, and Mrs.
Miller, who owned the surrounding fields, ordered them cleared
for the occasion. By Friday morning, July 3, visitors were
already beginning to arrive and set up camp for the night.

Montgomery Advertiser reporter Paul Stevenson was in
Dadeville Friday night and filed the following report: “All

Dadeville is aglow tonight and ail offices, stores, and residences
are bedecked in flags and bunting. Japanese lanterns are swing-
ing in all parts of town and the place is imbued with true
holiday spirit. All trains into Dadeville tonight were met by
automobiles and visitors were spirited to their respective hotels.”

That evening Governor and Mrs. Emmett O’Neal, and their
daughter Olivia, were the principal guests at a reception given

8 Dadeville Spot Cash , May 29, June 5, 12, July 3, 1914.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

by the Tohopeka Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolu-
tion, at the Tallapoosa County High School building. A heavy
rain fell and forced the punch bowls and handshaking inside
from the front lawn but did not dampen the merriment of those
who crowded into the hall and auditorium. Music was furn-
ished by the East Alabama Boys Industrial School Band.

At early light on Saturday morning, “automobiles, wagons
and every other description of conveyance . . . kept up a steady
procession out of town” for the battlefield. 6

One family journeyed by wagon from Reeltown, 35 miles
to the south. Having left home at about 3 a.m., they finally
arrived at eleven. Then, later that same day, they began the
return trip.

Mrs. Nora Blankenship Gunn came from Equality, Alabama.
She recalled in 1978 how her father, W. M. Blankenship, had
promised to take the family to the celebration if everyone
“worked real hard” in the meantime. She remembers that “it
had not rained in eleven weeks” — everyone said, “you can’t
get there in a covered wagon for the dust was ankle deep.”

Well, Daddy tried to pay us to stay home — but
we had chopped cotton for my brother and had a couple
of dollars. We wanted to go. Soon, Friday the third
day of July came and we started out. My mother and
mv brother’s wife in a buggy. My Daddy, my older
brother, and two children, his father-in-law, my
younger brother and myself went in the covered wagon.

I was fourteen years old.

It rained a slow rain all afternoon and at iast
settled the dust. We made camp near a big spring.

There must have been 250 people camped there
that night for most people had to go by wagon or
buggy. There were a few cars the well-to-do came in.*

Montgomery Advertiser, July 4, 1914.

T Nora Blankenship Gunn to R. Wayne Hay, Horseshoe Bend NMP, May 30, 1978
(Horseshoe Bend National Military Park).

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

A Montgomery reporter later estimated the number of
campers at close to 2000.

In the Dadeville area, Saturday morning’s weather was
cloudy without rain. The dust was laid by Friday night’s
showers making travelling conditions perfect. At noon the
sun appeared.

Opening ceremonies began at 10 a.m. under the shade of
large hardwood trees. Governor O’Neal presided over the day’s
exercises, welcomed those present, and delivered a speech about
the battle’s history and its importance to the modern citizen.
In speaking of the courage and dedication displayed by both
sides a hundred years ago he said:

We boast that we live in a more civilized age,
an age in which man’s inventive skill and progress in
arts and science, has added enormously to the comforts,
the conveniences, and the luxuries of life. It is not,
however, an age which breeds the stern, intrepid, and
adventurous race of men, who penetrated the wilder-
ness and with muskets in their hands, hewed down
these forests, and laid deep and permanent, the founda-
tions of great imperial commonwealths.

It is to be hoped that if, in the future, we are
menaced by the same danger which confronted these
adventurous pioneers, that we will meet and solve
the crisis with the same courage and heroic perse-
verance and brilliancy of achievement, which charac-
terized the men that made the battle of the Horseshoe
immortal in American history.

The Creeks, who with desperate courage resisted
Jackson’s invincible columnus, were native Alabamians.

They were fighting for their homes and the graves
of their dead. If, in the future, the soil of Alabama
should be invaded by a foreign foe we should be con-
tent if her sons resisted the invaders with the same
splendid courage which inspired these untutored sav-
ages in this bloody contest. 8

8 Birmingham News, July 5, 1914.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Mrs. B. F. Wilson, regent of the Hermitage Association
in Nashville, Tennessee, followed the governor and spoke on
her organization’s effort to preserve the memory of Andrew
Jackson and his homeplace.

Chancellor John Allison, also of Nashville, described the
role that Tennessee played in the Creek War. An orator of
the “Old South” school, he kept the crowd entertained through-
out his address.

S. S. Broadus, when he spoke, called for a proper monu-
ment to commemorate the valiant deeds of Jackson’s army.
In closing, he introduced Mrs. Cherokee American Rogers,
daughter of Colonel Gideon Morgan, a participant in the battle,
to the crowd. Other descendants present were also introduced.

Miss Maud McLure Kelly, Birmingham lawyer and state
president of the U. S. Daughters of 1812, presented to the
State a granite marker. Placed at the eastern foot of Gun
Hill, it marks the terminus of the trace Jackson’s men cut
through the wilderness from Tennessee to the Horseshoe.
Thomas L. Bulger accepted the marker for the State and the
Battle Anniversary Commission.

Congressman Heflin delivered the day’s last speech. He
outlined the Government’s plan to erect a suitable monument
on the battlefield saying:

We owe it to the memory of those brave men to
perpetuate their deeds of valor and to keep aloft in
the minds and hearts of the living their heroic service
to their country. 9

One of the day’s highlights was a sham battle fought be-
tween Company G, Alabama State Militia, a 52 man contingent
from Opelika, and the Company H from Alexander City. As
the maneuvers were conducted, great clouds of dust were
created, for the previous day’s rain had not reached the battle-
field. When a man fell, dust billowed high. A hospital de-
tachment of militia from Montgomery stood by to attend any
real injuries to soldiers and civilians.

Montgomery Advertiser, July 5, 1914.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

The speechmaking, sham battle, tours, and dinners were
finished by late afternoon and the huge crowd began to disperse.
Wearily, all climbed back into their conveyances for the long
ride home.

S. J. Darby, editor of the Alexander City News , wrote:

“. . . the people conducted themselves with perfect de-
corum so far as I know. There was no bloodshed, but
I learned that one bootlegger was arrested. I learned
also that there was plenty of beer out in a little house
that had been built ostensibly for other and more
natural purposes.

I was told that one had to be in possession of a
certain tribal token before he was permitted to enter
that seemingly necessary structure.

Good speeches were made by our orators, and by
some that did not belong to us.

Cold drink stands were numerous; in fact, more
than I ever saw before, and I learned they all belonged
to a trust. The idea of cold drinks, parched peanuts
and ham sandwiches being in the trust was novel to me
and really it was the first time I ever met a trust face
to face in the open. One thing I can say for a trust
is, it gave me a square deal on a paper bag of parched
peanuts for a nickel . . .” 10

The centennial observance was a big success. Dr. Thomas
Owen afterwards declared: “The citizens of Dadeville and

Tallapoosa County showed themselves the best of hosts . . .
Transportation, housing, clearing of grounds, subsistence, and
other things were looked after with the thoroughness of a
trained business man . . . The program was carried through
without a single break .” 11

Sixty-four years have passed since the centennial obser-
vance. The battlefield, however, has not been forgotten. Un-

10 Alexander City News, July 10, 1914.

“Dadeville Spot Cash, July 10, 1914.

SPRING and SUMMER. 1978

til 1959, it served as cropland, annually yielding harvest of corn
and cotton. Youngsters of all ages have camped overnight upon
it, searched for military and Indian relics in its soil, and swum
in the river along its edges.

In August, 1959, Horseshoe Bend National Military Park
was finally established bringing to fruition the hopes and
dreams of many people — many of whom were present during
the big celebration in 1914.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

BOOK REVIEWS

Hugh B. Hammett. Hilary Abner Herbert: A Southerner Re-
turns to the Union. Memoirs of the American Philosophi-
cal Society Held at Philadelphia For Promoting Useful
Knowledge, Volume 110 (Philadelphia: The American

Philosophical Society. 1976. Pp. xvi, 264, $5.00.)

Professor Hugh B. Hammett of the Rochester Institute of
Technology has written a long-overdue biography of Hilary
Abner Herbert, Congressman from Alabama for sixteen years
and Secretary of the Navy under President Grover Cleveland
from 1893 to 1897. The author’s stated purpose is four-fold : to
contribute further understanding to southern Reconstruction
historiography; to discuss the “return of southerners to na-
tional life after 1877”; to introduce the reader to a kind of
southern racial attitudes as seen in Herbert; and to rehearse
the development of the “New American Navy” and Herbert’s
role in it.

Herbert’s racial attitudes — those of the benovelent pa-
ternalist — were ingrained in him in his infancy (b. 1834),
boyhood, and youth as he observed his father’s treatment of
his slaves in South Carolina (until 1846) and in Alabama.
Professor Hammett concludes that Herbert “remained a pa-
ternalist par excelle7ice” throughout his life.

In 1853 Herbert enrolled in the sophomore class at the
University of Alabama. He quickly became the leader of a
revolt over the regimen imposed on students by “Basil Manly,
a Baptist preacher. . . .” Unfortunately Professor Hammett
does not identify Manly as “Sr.”, and as a man considered by
many social-religious historians as one of the outstanding
presidents of the University as well as a leading figure in the
founding of The Southern Baptist Convention and The Southern
Baptist Theological Seminary. It was perhaps fortunate that
“a Baptist preacher” expelled Herbert from the University
because he continued his studies at the University of Virginia
where Professor James P. Holcombe “undoubtedly” helped form
Herbert’s ardent belief in secession. Because of illness, Her-
bert never earned a degree at the University of Virginia

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

but returned to Alabama, studied law, was admitted to practice,
and quickly joined the secessionist wing of Alabama Democracy.

Upon Lincoln’s election, Herbert became an officer in the
Eighth Alabama Infantry Regiment in the Army of Northern
Virginia. Severely wounded at the Battle of the Wilderness,
he retired from active service, but remained an apologist of
the “Lost Cause” for the rest of his life. One of Professor
Hammett’s recurrent themes is that Herbert was thoroughly
“nationalized” by his twenty years of public service in Wash-
ington from 1877 to 1897. Therefore, the author poses a
paradox if not a contradiction, when he maintains that for
Herbert “when it [the Civil War] ended, little else ever mattered
again” and that Herbert “learned very little from the experi-
ence” remaining an outspoken advocate of the constitutionality
of secession and states rights.

It is also in the chapter on the Civil War that Professor
Hammett introduced his first historiographical discussion cen-
tered around Herbert’s book, The Abolition Crusade and fts
Consequences: Four Periods of American History (1912). It
is Herbert’s “most ferocious attack on the northerners whose
extremism he blamed for the Civil War.” The author’s com-
mentary is about a book published fifteen years after Herbert
ostensibly had been “Unionized” and seven years before his
death. Many readers of the Abolition Crusade would hold that
Herbert concludes that true constitutionalism, usurped by the
abolitionists from 1831 to 1861, had been restored after 1877
with the redemption of the last southern states ; in the end the
constitutional principles for which the South had fought won
out. In several of Herbert’s papers this vindication of the
South is seen as the will of God, a strong historical leit-motif,
which Professor Hammett chooses not to exploit.

Professor Hammett’s second venture into Reconstruction
historiography appears in the chapter entitled “Redeeming Ala-
bama.” Herbert was active from 1867 to 1874 in the redemp-
ti n of his state, to the neglect of his law practice, but Pro-
fessor Hammett concludes that “in spite of Herbert’s pride
in listing himself among the 'Redeemers,’ the objective re-
searcher can only conclude that his role . . . was of no particular

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

significance.” The “objective researcher” offers no proof for
his generalization. The author's next move to prove that
Herbert was not a typical Redeemer a la C. Vann Woodward
is to minimize the role in Reconstruction historiography of
Herbert's first book, Why the Solid South? or Reconstruction
and its Results (1890). Herbert edited this book of essays by
leading Redeemers and contributed three essays to it himself,
prompting Professor Woodward to name him “the editor of
the leading apology for the ultraconservative Redeemer re-
gime. . . .” Professor Hammett contends that Why the Solid
South? is “virtually unrecognized today even by specialists in
southern history” and that Herbert's book has had “influence
all out of proportion to its merit as a historical work, on
scholarly writing concerning Reconstruction.” In the first
instance, Professor Hammett again offers no proof — no poll
of historians of the South — to substantiate his generalization.
Secondly, those who have read Why the Solid South? recognize
it as a piece of propaganda to rebute the Lodge Bill, not as
historical scholarship about Reconstruction. The author does
subsequently refer to Why the Solid South? as “propaganda.”

Herbert served as a Congressman from Alabama from 1877
to 1893. In discussing Herbert’s career, Professor Hammett
again sallies forth to refute Professor Woodward's contention
that Herbert was one of the South's leading Bourbon apologists.
The author admits that Herbert had a few typically Bourbon
characteristics but concludes that he was a South Carolina
agrarian conservative who did not “look forward to a better
world, but to a re-created one,” namely that of the ante-bellum
South. “Undoubtedly [implying certitude; undisputed], Hilary
Herbert was much closer to ideology and practice to the South
Carolina Bourbons than to the Redeemers whom Professor
Woodward has described.” Having established the certainty
of Herbert's view, Professor Hammett questions the un-
doubtable by qualifying it. He finds in Herbert's thinking a
dualism : he was a committed southerner of the first rank

with roots deep in ante-bellum history, but he was also forward
looking — a view of Bourbonism akin to that of Professor Wood-
ward. Saint George has not slain the dragon.

Professor Hammett devotes three of the later chapters of

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

his book (forty-three per cent of his narrative) to Herbert’s
membership or chairmanship of the House Committee on Naval
Affairs (1885-1893) and secretaryship of the Navy (1893-
1897). This twelve-year period of Herbert’s life is well docu-
mented, organized, and balanced. Herbert carried his concept
of gradualism (do not build too many ships too fast), developed
on the naval affairs committee, into his secretaryship, a “per-
petuation and enlargement of policies” effected by four previous
secretaries of the Navy, a Republican and Democratic. Having
placed Herbert in a proper context of sixteen years of the
development of the “New American Navy,” the reader is some-
what confounded when the author inserts an illustration of what
appears to be the entire fleet, captioned “Hilary Herbert’s
legacy to the nation: The United States Navy, 1898.” Fur-

thermore, Professor Hammett gives proper credit to William
Whitney and Benjamin Tracy (particularly the latter) for the
development of the all steel Navy, but in his “Preface,” he
maintains that, “No man was more intimately connected with
the rise of the “New American Navy” than Herbert — this
for a man who was an anti-imperialist and simply enlarged on
the policies of predecessors, gradually.

The final chapter of Professor Hammett’s work is en-
titled: “Elder Statesman: Old Wine in New Flasks.” In it

he traces the final twenty-two years of Herbert’s life. Herbert
set up law practice in Washington with his son-in-law and de-
veloped a moneyed clientele, East and West, in a typical Bour-
bon fashion. But “as the years waned, Herbert seemed more
and more to be a man who had lived beyond his time.” He
had helped to “midwife” the “New American Navy” and had
been an “unapologetic ‘New South man,’ ” but in the end it
was the Old South that captured his heart. Then, quoting this
reviewer, Professor Hammett states: “Herbert always hoped

that the result of “Redemption” for the South would be a re-
turn to the ideas and values of the pre-Garrison era.” In
Herbert’s mind this had been accomplished with the redemp-
tion of the southern states and with a resurgence of states
rights sentiment in the nation at the turn of the century. In
the opinion of the reviewer he satisfied himself and man of
the disappearing “Brigadiers” that this was true by writing
The Abolition Crusade in 1912.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Professor Hammett has written a biography of the third
of three southern conservative cabinet members in President
Grover Cleveland’s second administration. His book is written
with felicity and thoroughly documented and indexed. It is the
subtitle of Professor Hammett’s book, “A Southerner Returns
to the Union,” which may cause -some difficulty for the reader.
It suggests that Herbert was a forward-looking southerner, a
typical Bourbon after the Woodward School. Throughout his
work, however, the writer refutes this thesis by interpreting
Herbert as an “Old South” reactionary. It remains to be seen
if Professor Hammett’s biography will take on the stature of
Professor Dewey W. Grantham’s biography of Hoke Smith or
James A. Barnes’ life-story of John G. Carlisle.

Hugh C. Davis
Baylor University

Gary M. Fink and Merl E. Reed (Eds.), Essays in Southern
Labor History: Selected Payers, Southern Labor History
Conference, 1976 . (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood

Press, 1976. pp. 27b.)

The essays found in this volume are as a result of the first
Southern Labor History Conference held on the campus of
Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia, April 1-3, 1976.
Although the papers presented before the conference were as
varied as were the author’s chosen professions, each supported
the main purpose of the Southern Labor History Association’s
attempt “to encourage the study and understanding of the rise
and development of organized labor in the South and to promote
the dissemination of that knowledge.”

Although not all papers presented before the Labor Con-
ference are included in this first volume, the reader is presented
with a variety of subject matter ranging from the Knights of
Labor to the Congress of Industrial Organization. By glancing
through the table of contents, one can readily see the wealth
of material presented. There is something for all labor en-
thusiast whether one’s interests be in the area of textiles, coal,
oil, transportation, or politics.

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Contributors to this first volume of labor essays included
Melton McLaurin and Stephen Brier, both of whom attempt to
zero in on the successes and failures of the Knights of Labor
to organize southern workers. Dennis Nolan, in collaboration
with Donald Jones, present a specific analysis of unionism in
the Textile Industry in the Piedmont Area, 1901-1932, while
Bruce Raynor, in more general terms, presents a contemporary
look at the textile workers in the South and predicts a bright
future ahead.

A most interesting set of essays concerned the early at-
tempts at unionism in the West Virginia coal fields. Daniel
Jordan’s “The Mingo War: 1919-1922,” studies labor violence

associated with unionism in this southern West Virginia coal
county. His research is to be commended, but his paper raises
many questions concerning the causes of violence which are
never answered. Perhaps through the same diligent research,
he may attempt one day to analyze those. David Corbin’s ar-
ticle concerning “Frank Keeney and his rank-and-file leader-
ship in West Virginia, 1912-1931,” is an enlightening attempt
to examine the United Mine Workers’ trials and tribulations on
the grass roots level by investigating local leaders and local
union disturbances. However, it is quite clear from the outset
that while Corbin analysis of his “hero” is from the standpoint
of depicting what services may be rendered by men of ability
and purpose in the more obscure positions within the UMWA,
he is nevertheless caught up in the “Great Man” thesis and
tends to be less objective in his treatment of cause-effect re-
lationships.

The remaining six essays which are equally well presented
and documented include: James C. Maroney, “The Texas-

Louisiana Oil Field Strike of 1917 Clyde Johnson, “CIO Oil
Workers’ Organizing Campaign in Texas, 1942;” Gerald
Carpenter, “Public Opinion in the New Orleans Street Railway
Strike of 1929-30;” James W. May, Jr., “Atlanta Transit Strike,
1949-1950, Prelude to Sale;” John E. Allen, “Eugene Talmadge
and the Great Textile Strike in Georgia, September 1934 ;” and
Daniel A. Powell, “PAC to COPE : Thirty-Two Years of South-
ern Labor in Politics.”

The editors are to be commended both for their selection

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

of essays appearing in this first volume and for their decision
to also publish the commentator's analysis of each paper pre-
sented at the initial Labor Conference. As with most publica-
tions there are a few drawbacks. The book is not totally free
of technical errors and, in some instances, those misprints do
provide some humor : While I feel certain that Norman Thomas
would have appreciated knowing that he was considered “Nor-
mal,” I have a suspicion that if given a choice, Thomas would
have still preferred to be called Norman.

Don L. Fox, Jr.

Livingston University

August Meier and Elliott Rudwick. Along the Color Line

(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976)

Perhaps this collection’s most striking feature is its even-
ness. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick include essays writ-
ten more than twenty years ago which are as fresh and in-
sightful as their newest collaboration, prepared especially for
this volume. This indicates a depth and ability that is rarely
found in scholarly endeavor. While there is a great deal in
this volume that has been published elsewhere, the fashion
in which Meier and Rudwick combine historical analysis with
contemporary affairs is both interesting and useful.

The book’s underlying theme is civil rights, and perhaps
more specifically, nonviolent action. In the concluding essay,
“The Origins of Nonviolent Direct Action in Afro-American
Protest: A Note on Historical Discontinuities,” they examine
this aspect of the civil rights struggle. While nonviolent di-
rect action has been used throughout this century, and while
other historians see it as a continuum, Meier and Rudwick
argue convincingly that each episode is an isolated response to
repressive action taken by the white community. Furthermore,
they see little connection between the black civil rights struggle
and the other freedom movements (e.g., women’s rights, labor
reform, Mahatma Gandhi’s activity), although once under way
the black community adopted strategies from these various
movements. The Montgomery Bus Boycott, for example, was

SPRING and SUMMER. 1978

started without considering the earlier protest in Baton Rouge,
Louisiana. Meier and Rudwick conclude: “Thus the evidence

indicates that direct action neither formed a continuous tra-
dition in black protest, nor owed much to the strategies of other
protest movements. Rather, we would argue that such tactics
and strategies were continuously reinvented by blacks in re-
sponse to shifting patterns of race relations and the changing
status of blacks in American society” (p. 387).

Also of importance Meier and Rudwick, both individually
and collectively, go beyond the obvious events to explode a num-
ber of widely held myths. To cite again the Montgomery Bus
Boycott, they point out that integrated seating came as a result
of the NAACP federal court suit and not from the boycott. In
this instance they might have gone further and explained that
the boycott was on the verge of collapse when the Supreme Court
outlawed segregated seating.

While there is much in this work for specialists, it will
be of more interest to historians peripherally interested in black
history. The collection will be of special interest to students
because here they will have the opportunity to see the collective
wisdom of two leading historians presented in a variety of
readable and fascinating essays.

Duncan R. Jamieson
University of Alabama

Harry P. Owens, (ed.), Perspectives and Irony in American
Slavery. (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1976.
Notes and bibliography. $3.50).

Perspectives and Irony in American Slavery is the product
of a symposium held at the University of Mississippi in Octo-
ber, 1975 entitled “The Slave Experience in America: A Bi-

centennial Perspective.” Essentially, this work contains the
intellectual stances of seven prominent historians of slavery.
Professor Carl Degler established the theme of the symposium
with his paper, “The Irony of American Negro Slavery.” For
example, he notes that the closing of the foreign slave trade in
1808, which caused the South to rely on the natural repro-

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

duction of its slave force, “tightened the grip of slavery on the
United States” (6). In order to facilitate this reproduction,
slaveholders had to improve both the environment and the
material conditions of their bondsmen. In analyzing secession,
Degler claims that Southerners left the Union to protect the
peculiar institution, whereas if they had done nothing, it would
have remained secure.

Eugene Genovese explores the “role of American slave-
owners and European landowning classes in the shaping of the
world in which we now live” (27). He examines the breakdown
of organic, feudalistic society, the rise of marketplace capitalism
and the role of slave revolts in world history. “Slavery and
the American Mind,” by David B. Davis, discusses how Ameri-
cans have dealt with slavery by a “process of denial” (52).
Rather than acknowledging the necessity of human bondage
to the economic national interest of the United States, Ameri-
cans preferred to depict blacks as incapable of adjusting to the
rigors of marketplace society. Thus, Negro slaves, living in a
land which practiced Herrenvolk democracy, simply lacked the
“capacity” (61) for freedom. Stanley Engerman reiterates the
theme that he and Robert Fogel developed in Time on the Cross:
The Economics of American Negro Slavery (1974). After sur-
veying the literature on both the economy and profitibility of
the peculiar institution, Engerman claims that “In terms of
economic growth, total and per capita, the South was growing
rapidly in the last antebellum decades, . . .” (91).

William Scarborough paints a sympathetic picture of the
planter class, noting that blacks were “treated pretty well as
slaves” (111) and that slave health care was adequate. John
Blassingame views slavery through the eyes of the slave them-
selves. He develops the concept that high status in the slave
community emerged from four factors: (1) mobility (2) free-

dom from supervision (3) opportunity to earn money and (4)
providing direct services to other blacks. Hence, Scarborough's
perspective is from the “top down,” while Blassingame's is from
the “bottom up.”

The concluding section, Kenneth Stampp's “Slavery: The
Historian's Burden,” discusses the significance of the American

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

Revolution in the history of slavery. According to Stampp,
slavery, as a field of historical inquiry, is still subject to vigorous
debate and often violent disagreement.

An excellent, ten-page bibliographic essay accompanies this
important book. Perspectives and Irony in American Slavery
belongs on the shelf along with the recent works of Huggins,
Owens, Blassingame and Gutman.

Michael Vaughan Woodward
University of Georgia

Gerald H. Gaither. Blacks and the Populist Revolt. Ballots and
Bigotry in the New South. (University: University of

Alabama Press, 1977). pp. 251. Appendix, bibliography,
and index. $9.75.

Professor Gaither's book has 198 pages of text. The narra-
tive ends on p. 138 with the remaining pages being dedicated
to twenty-three tables. Granted that these statistical charts
and graphs serve a useful purpose, so many are supplied that
they are difficult to digest.

Blacks and the Populist Revolt is, in many ways, a book
without a thesis. Professor Gaither is probably on the right
track in suggesting that there is simply no way to reduce some-
thing as complicated as the black response to Populism to dog-
matic statements. Every assumption the writer makes is, as he
clearly acknowledges, subject to del For example, to charge
that Bourbon Democrats committed gross election frauds in the
Deep South's Black Belts, particularly in Alabama, is both true
and commendable. Yet the author does tot use this evidence
as the basis for his conclusion that “Populism was never strong
politically in areas of high concentration of black skin and
black dirt.” (p. 127). That the latter condition flowed from
the first is not adequately emphasized.

One's response to Professor Gaither’s statements will de-
pend on one's own interpretation of events. The author has
read widely in secondary sources, and he is an objective and
fair appraiser of the material he skillfully quotes and evaluates.

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Some pertinent manuscript collections were not consulted, and
he does not take full advantage of the rich lode to be yielded
by Populist newspapers.

The writer’s disdain for “such artifacts of the past as
manuscripts, newspapers, and the like,” (p. 126) may not please
those historians who utilize such -sources, but he is neither an
arrogant iconoclast nor a doctrinaire “wave of the future”
advocate. Professor Gaither’s own prose style is clear and
unencumbered.

An introduction by Professor Sheldon Hackney, an au-
thority on Populism and presently president of Tulane Univer-
sity, is both useful and intelligent. Professor Hackney con-
tends that the white Populists, more than their white contem-
poraries — Democrats or Republicans — were concerned about
the welfare, particularly the political welfare, of blacks. Pro-
fessor Gaither does not go that far.

The monograph is yet another contribution to the litera-
ture of Populism. By concentrating on the role of blacks in the
agrarian crusade, the author adds to our knowledge of that
important aspect of the movement. He has an objective ap-
proach, but comes down harder on the Populists than this
reviewer believes they deserve. Professor Gaither is far more
in the interpretive camp of Charles Crowe and Robert Saun-
ders than in that of C. Vann Woodward and Richard Goodwyn.

William Warren Rogers
Florida State University

June Middleton Albaugh and Rosa Lyon Traylor, Collirene, The

Queen Hill. (Montgomery: Herff Jones — Paragon Press,

1977. Pp. iv, 804. $16.00)

The subtitle for this enlightening book is, “A Chronicle of
a Lowndes County Community and Seven of Its Pioneer Fami-
lies. Caffey, Dudley, Dunklin, Lyon, Middleton, Pierce, and
Rives.”

Two quotations from the Foreword will give a clear pic-

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

ture of the nature of the book. The express purpose is to
“present the Hill’s story in an interesting, readable form and
the “authors have attempted to walk a fine line between story
and genealogy by introducing a minimum of interruptions while
presenting a worthwhile collection of family lines.” These pur-
poses have been fully met in this well documented and enter-
taining publication. The book is a page-turner all the way.
The reader who is not native to the section will experience an
urge to find out what happens next to these people who lived
at Collirene. There is a temptation to gobble up the book to
find out how the story ends.

Rosa Lyon Traylor, who has spent her life in the area, has
carefully gathered the information. June Middleton Albaugh,
Mrs. Traylor’s first cousin, never lived in Lowndes County but
did spend many childhood vacations there. Her fascination with
the mystique of Collirene led to her transformation of historical
fact into a fascinating story. The collaboration of these two
women has produced a remarkable book.

The Civil War letters in the book are well chosen and give
a realistic and unbiased picture of the conflict. One sentence
will serve to illustrate the well balanced view taken by the
authors in their own analysis of that period. “In a way the
whites had been freed, too.” Such objectivity is not common
in books written by amateur historians.

The illustrations by Harold Thomson make the book a true
work of art. The maps are attractive and useful. The large
print and the controlled use of footnotes will be appreciated
by the casual reader. The more serious reader will find the
documentation adequate.

Margaret Pace Farmer
Troy, Alabama

Mary E. Brantley, Early Settlers Along the Old Federal Road
in Monroe and Conecuh Counties Alabama. (Baltimore:
Gateway Press, 1976. Pp. x, 346. $15.00.)

Primary and secondary sources of local history exist in

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

every area of Alabama but these are too seldom brought to-
gether into one single volume. Mary E. Brantley has obviously
spent many hours searching out the bits and pieces of informa-
tion about the early settlers along the Old Federal Road in Mon-
roe and Conecuh Counties. She has made a great contribution
by organizing and publishing the results of her labors. Her
sources include references from the standard works by Moore,
Owen, Brannon, and Pickett. She has looked for relevant ma-
terial in histories of other counties. The reviewer was im-
pressed by the minutiae Miss Brantley found in the Papers of
the Pike County Historical Society. It is obvious that Miss
Brantley left no stone unturned.

Her book serves as a model for other local historians. She
has compiled information from census returns, newspaper ar-
ticles, historical society papers, school records, post office de-
partment records, church minutes, diaries, family group sheets,
published family histories, published church histories. These
records are well organized and sources are carefully docu-
mented.

Of particular interest are the old cemetery records, many
of which Miss Brantley copied herself, in the field. The loca-
tion of each cemetery is noted by township and range.

The book has many fine pictures of old houses and of
groups of people. The persons in these pictures are identified
by name.

Miss Brantley very wisely planned the format of her book
using large print and wide margins to make the book easy to
use. The index has names of thousands of people.

If one were to compile guide lines for the preparation of
a -source book of local history, Miss Brantley would pass the
test with high marks. She knows her subject and knows her
prospective readers, and she has served them well. One wishes
that every section of our state might have its Mary Brantley.

Margaret Pace Farmer
Troy, Alabama

SPRING and SUMMER, 1978

J. Mills Thornton, III, Politics and Power in a Slave Society:
Alabama , 1800-1860. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Uni-
versity Press, 1978). pp. 492. Appendix, bibliography, and
index. $22.50.

Of the many pleasures awaiting a reader of Politics and
Power in a Slave Society , none is likely to be more rewarding
than exposure to Professor Thornton’s deft interweaving of
national and local themes into a coherent framework for under-
standing the coming of the Civil War from the perspective of
antebellum Alabamians. Although this exceptional work can
be read with profit either as a richly and imaginatively detailed
history of Alabama politics from statehood in 1819 to seces-
sion in 1861, or as a socio-culturai analysis of the dynamics of
Jacksonian ideology in a slave society, the subtlety of the au-
thor’s approach avoids such a sharp and artificial distinction.
To describe and explain the interplay of institutions and ideas,
of parties and voters, and of local perceptions and national
events is the task that Thornton has set out for himself ; in my
view he has succeeded admirably in his efforts “to place upon
the reader the spectacles through which antebellum Alabamians
peered out at their frightening world” (p. xvii).

The antebellum world was indeed frightening for Ala-
bamians and other white Americans. The dread of the destruc-
tive potentialities of organized power fbr individual autonomy,
which Jacksonian Americans had inherited from the Revolu-
tionary generation, was constantly exacerbated by the irrever-
sible pace of economic change and social dislocation in the
! decades between the War of 1812 and the Civil War. As more
and more Americans were drawn into a market economy by
networks of improved communications, industrialization, and
urbanization, traditional fears that impersonal, external forces
— be they the invisible controls of the market place, institu-
tions such as banks, or power centers such as the federal
government or state legislature — threatened to undermine
individual liberty gained ever greater plausibility. At the
same time a mass-based political system arose in which suc-
cessful politicians learned that the key to office was the ability
to manipulate popular discontent by focusing it upon some
symbolic enemy which personalized the electorate’s fears.

100

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

This link between the political culture and the tensions
induced by a rapidly changing economy could be transformed
into a crusade for popular liberty with particular virulence in
Alabama and other slave states. In his central insight Pro-
fessor Thornton argues persuasively that the existence of sla-
very made Southerners the best of republicans, not the worst,
the most sensitive practioners of Jacksonian ideology, and not
the most hypocritical. Faced daily with the reality of slavery,
the essence of coerced dependence and the antithesis of au-
tonomy, Alabamians were obsessed with locating and elimi-
nating perceived threats to their own independence. By the
1850’s the abolitionists and the Republicans of the North had
come to symbolize the worst inner fears of Alabamians. As
preached by the fire-eaters, secession “produced an extreme
decision because the threat to freedom which it sought to repel
seemed more substantial and more horrible than had the earlier
ones” (p. 457). In the ironic climax of antebellum Alabama
politics Jacksonian anti-pbwer ideology was used to justify a
revolution made possible by the renunciation of the Jacksonian
belief that political redress for social grievances was morally
legitimate only through the collective will of the majority.
Alabama as a state, and the South as a section, had sought
liberation from perceived Northern tyranny by acting as a
minority for their own minority interests.
r » ' f'

The intricacy and imagination with which Professor Thorn-
ton handles the above themes in the specific context of Ala-
bama politics and society can hardly be hinted at in a brief
review. I can but invite the reader to explore this magnificently
researched and informative study for a truly fine beginning
for coming to grips with the political culture of not just one
antebellum Southern state, but also of that generation, Northern
and Southern, which would collide in the Civil War.

William L. Barney
University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill

ALABAMA

Vol. XL FALL and WINTER, 1978 Nos. 3 & 4

Published by the

ALABAMA STATE DEPARTMENT
OF

ARCHIVES AND HISTORY

THE

ALABAMA HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY

Vol. XL FALL and WINTER, 1978 Nos. 3 & 4

CONTENTS

The Flag of the Republic of Alabama An Odyssey

by W. Stanley Hoole 105

Observations on the 1791 Floods in Alabama by Jack

D. L. Holmes 119

The Arrest and Trial of Ryland Randolph April - May,

1868 by Mike Daniel 127

Racial Gamesmanship and the U. S. Occupation of

Haiti: An Illustrative Episode by John A. Vernon 144

The Deputed Great Seal of British West Florida by

Robert R. Rea . 162

Politics As Art : “The Conquered Rooster” by William

Warren Rogers 169

1835-1866 by J. Mills Thornton , III 173

BOOK REVIEWS

Hamilton, Alabama: A Bicentennial History by

Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins 192

Kirby, Media Made Dixie : The South in the

American Imagination , by Robert H. McKenzie 193

Knight, Modoc , Prince of America , by John D. Fair 195

Goldfield, Urban Growth in the Age of Sec~
tiomalism: Virginia, 18 U7 -1861 , by Howard N.
Rabinowitz 197

McBrien, The Tennessee Brigade, by Kenneth R.

Johnson 200

Jeansonne, Leander Perez: Boss of the Delta, by

Wayne Flynt 202

Milo B. Howard, Jr., Editor

Published by the

ALABAMA STATE DEPARTMENT
OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY
Montgomery, Alabama

SKINNER PRINTING COMPANY
INDUSTRIAL TERMINAL
MINTGOMERY, ALABAMA

CONTRIBUTORS

MIKE DANIEL is a graduate student at the University of
Alabama, Tuscaloosa, Alabama.

JACK D. L. HOLMES is a professor of history at the Univer-
sity of Alabama in Birmingham, Birmingham, Alabama.

W. STANLEY HOOLE is Dean Emeritus, The University Li-
braries, The University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, Alabama.

ROBERT R. REA is a professor of history at Auburn Univer-
sity, Auburn, Alabama.

WILLIAM WARREN ROGERS is a professor of history at
Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida.

J. MILLS THORNTON is an associate professor of history at
the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan.

JOHN A. VERNON is an archivist with the National Archives
and Records Service, Washington, D. C.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

105

THE FLAG OF THE REPUBLIC OF ALABAMA
AN ODYSSEY

W. Stanley Hoole

At twenty-five minutes past two o’clock on Friday after-
noon, January 14, 1861, hundreds of men and women — many
of whom had waited for hours in the porticoes, rotunda, and
corridors of the Alabama State Capitol . . . gave three loud,
lusty cheers and crowded into the House Chamber and gallery,
shouting as they went. On the rostrum, President William M.
Brooks tried in vain to bring the Alabama Secession Convention
to order. Outside, in the courtyard, a cannon roared, heralding
the news that the State of Alabama had at last withdrawn
from the Union and was now a free, sovereign, and independent
republic. 1

Almost simultaneously with the shouting and the shooting,
a large flag, approximately 16 x 20 feet so large as to stretch
across the ample floor of the House, was brought in and un-
furled. Dark blue in color and made of silk it bore on one
side the Goddess of Liberty, holding in her right hand an un-
sheathed sword, and in her left a small flag with a single star
and the word Alabama. Above was inscribed the motto, Inde-

This description of the events surrounding the passage of the Ordinance of
Secession is based on the following sources: William R. Smith, History and De-
bates of the Convention of the People of Alabama . . . (Atlanta, 1861), 1 17-122;
Montgomery Daily Mail, Montgomery Weekly Advertiser , January 11, 1861;
David L. Darden, "The Alabama Secession Convention.” Alabama Historical
Quarterly, III, (Fall-Winter, 1941), 269, 451, hereafter cited as AHQ: C. P.
Denman, The Secession Movement in Alabama (Montgomery, 1933); Journal of
the Convention of the People of the State of Alabama. . . , Commencing on the
7th Day of January, l SGI. (Montgomery, 1861; Robert Jemison to his daughter,
Montgomery, January 10, 1861, Robert Jemison Collection, (W. Stanley Hoole,
Special Collection, University of Alabama Library, Tuscaloosa), Dr. William H.
Mitchell to his wife, Montgomery, January 11, 1861, The Rev. William Henry
Mitchell Papers, (State Department of Archives and History, Montgomery),
quoted in Montgomery Advertiser, January 8, 1911; and Basil Manly’s Diary,
December 24, 1 860-February 1861, Manley Family Papers, (W. Stanley Hoole
Special Collection, University of Alabama Library, Tuscaloosa). See also Frank
L. Owsley, Jr., John Craig Stewart, and Gordon T. Chappell, Knou Alabama:
An Elementary History (Montgomery, 1970), 235-236.

106

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

pendent Now and Forever. On the other side was a large cot-
ton plant in full bloom, above which was the state seal, and
below a rattlesnake and the words Noli Me Tang ere. Men siood
on chairs and tables to hold the flag horizontally, the better
to display the beauty of its painted designs — and amid the
deafening cheers and applause men and women hugged each
other and wept unashamedly. The moment was the most
historic, the most exciting in the state’s forty-two-year-old
history . * 2

At the height of the excitement William Lowndes Yancey,
a delegate from Montgomery and unquestionably the leader of
the Secessionists, stood to address the disorderly assembly.
Quieting the crowd with outstretched arms, he accepted the
flag on behalf of the convention, profusely thanking the ladies
of Montgomery for their ennobling generosity in having made
the flag and presented it to the State of Alabama. The cocton
plant, he said, depicted the source of the state’s wealth, the
rattlesnake was coiled to “manifest our determination to defend
our rights. . . . [It] is peaceful and harmless unless disturbed;
but death to the individual who assaults it.” Then, he added,

To say that this flag is presented by ladies who are
beautiful would be but the least part of their praise, for beauty
is the least desirable of woman’s perfections. It is presented
by the noble hearted, pure and patriotic women of Montgom-
ery, on whose cheeks the tears of regret for sons and brothers
who have already gone to fight their country’s battles have
not yet dried. 3

Yancey was followed by William R. Smith, a Cooperationist
from Tuscaloosa, popularly known as “Little Billy,” who had
voted against the passing of the Ordinance of Secession. After
apostrophizing the Stars and Stripes, he continued.

Now, as we lower this glorious ensign of our once vaunted

3 An announcement regarding the making of the flag by "the maids and matrons
of Montgomery” had appeared in the Montgomery Daily Mail, November 10,
1860. A photograph of an artist’s conception of the flag (not of the flag itself)

may be seen in David L. Darden, "The Alabama Secession Flag,” AFIQ, III,
(Fall-Winter, 1941), 364-367.

3 Smith, 120, states that he was unable to secure a copy of Yancey’s acceptance
speech. This is taken from Dr. William H. Mitchell’s letter to his wife (see note 1,
above), and Montgomery Advertiser, January 8, 191 L

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

107

victories . . . , we accept this Flag. It is presented by the
ladies of Alabama. I see upon it, a beautiful female face,

Oh! Woman! in our hours of ease,

Uncertain, coy, and hard to please,

And variable as the shade

By the light quivering aspen made;

When pain and sorrow wring the brow,

A ministering angel thou!

Presented by the daughters of Alabama! The history of
the world teaches, that in times of trouble and danger to her
country, woman is always in the van. Her heroism is reserved
for revolutions. She has been known to tear the jewels from
her ears, the diamonds from her neck, and the rings from her
fingers, and sell them to buy bread for the starving soldier.

Nay, in order to aid a struggling army, we see her cutting
the glorious locks that adorn her beauty, and consent for
them to become the “dowry of a second head.” What wonder,
then, that now, in these stirring times, when “grim visaged
war” wrinkles the brow of Peace — what wonder that the
the daughters of Alabama should thus endeavor to import
to our veins the burning currents of their own enthusiasm!

What wonder that they should strive, by these graceful devices
of female ingenuity, to lift us up to the height of their own
hallowed inspiration!

We accept this flag; and though it glows with but a
single star, may that star increase in magnitude and brilliancy,
until it out-rivals the historic glory of the Star-Spangled
Banner ! 4

*Smith, 119-122. Smith also footnoted this sonnet of his own, apparently written
after the convention, stating that "only the fervor of such enthusiasm as prevailed
at this time could tolerate the extravagant hyperbole”:

THE LOST PLEIAD FOUND
Long years ago, at night, a female star
Fled from amid the Spheres, and through the space
of ether, onward, in a flaming car,

Held, furious, headlong, her impetuous race:

She burst her way through skies; the azure haze
of Heaven assumed new colors in her blaze
Sparklets, emitted from her golden hair,

Diffused rich tones through the resounding air;

The neighboring stars stood mute, and wondered when
The erring Sister would return again:

Through Ages still they wondered in dismay;

But now, behold, careering on her way,

The long-lost PLEIAD! she takes her place
On ALABAMA’S FLAG, and lifts her RADIANT FACE!

108

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Upon the motion of Edmund S. Dargan, a Secessionist
from Mobile County, a resolution was unanimously passed to
accept the new flag, stating “that it -shall hereafter be raised
upon the Capitol, as indicative whenever the Convention shall
be in open session.” Thomas H. Watts, of Montgomery, ob-
jected to the statement, declaring that he wanted the flag to
float above the Capitol dome “forever,” but Dargan’s motion
carried . 5 President Brooks, of Perry County, appointed fellow
Secessionist Alpheus Baker, a delegate from Barbour County,
officially to thank the ladies for “their patriotic present,” and
amid the wildest enthusiasm, which had now spread from the
Capitol down “Goat Hill” and throughout the streets of the
city, the convention adjourned until the next morning and the
multitude, still cheering, moved slowly out to mill about the
lawns and gardens.

At six minutes before three o’clock the new flag was run
up on a staff on the Capitol dome, under the direction of Dr.
Samuel Rambo, a local dentist . 6 As it swang out in the winter
wind, Miss C. T. Raoul applied a match to the cannon in the
courtyard, firing the first official shot . 7 A second shot was
touched off by Abram J. Walker, Chief Justice of the Alabama
Supreme Court. Then followed ninety-eight more rounds, all
in joyous celebration of the state’s withdrawal from the Union
as a separate and independent republic.

By now the crowd, which had grown larger by the minute,
was all but frenzied with excitement. The cannon was con-
tinually fired throughout the afternoon and into the night —
and, suddenly, as if by magic, small replicas of the flag atop
the Capitol appeared in countless windows and towers of the
surrounding houses. “Every species of enthusiasm prevailed,”
William R. Smith recorded, men and women, forgetting their
differences of opinions, political and otherwise, shouted and

"Journal of the Convention of the People . . . , 44.

’This was probably Dr. Samuel Rambo, a 42-year-old Montgomery dentist. See U.S.
Census (ms.). Montgomery County, Ala., 1860, p. 167, and Montgomery Directory
for 1859-1860, . . . comp, by Mears & Turnbull (Montgomery, 1859), 66.

This was probably Miss Caroline Theus Raoul, daughter of Frederic and Mary
Grace Cooper Raoul of Mount Meigs, M. P. Blue, City Director and History of
Montgomery . . . , 1878 (Montgomery, 1878), 175.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

109

sang, enraptured by the universal glow of fervent patriotism . 8

Johnson Jones Hooper, nationally known author of The
Adventures of Captain Simon Suggs of the Tallapoosa Volun-
teers and now editor of the Montgomery Daily Mail , 9 described
the historic occasion under the caption Te Deuw. i Laudaamus
in these fervent words:

By this time, all the bells in all the steeples of the city
were ringing a merry peal, for Deliverance and for Liberty.

Eager hundreds thronged the streets; friends met, wept, and
embraced; [and] boys fired crackers ... It was a great
day . . .

As night closed in, the illuminations of Montgomery Hall,
the Theatre, the Advertiser office, the Mail office, the Tele-
graph office, and many places of business . . . attracted uni-
versal attention. And by the light of bonfires, in the street -
speeches were made to thousands by (Former) Governor J. W.
Matthews of Mississippi, Colonel S. A. Jones, of Georgia,
Hons. J. L. M. Curry, A. B. Meek, T. H. Watts and others of
Alabama.

One of the noticeable [incidents] of the occasion was the
running up, as the cannon fired, of the Lone Star, on the tower
of the resident of Hen. T. H. Watts. At the same signal

the locomotives of the West Point railroad all previously

“fired up” — made a glad discord with their steam whistles.

And so, all hail! to the glorious, free and independent Flag
of the Sovereign Republic of Alabama! Forever may it wave
in honor of a happy, chivalrous and united people. And to
that sentiment, we know that all our people will say “amen .” 10

The Montgomery Weekly Post, which, as did other state

“Smith, 122; Joseph L. Hodgson, The Cradle of the Confederacy: or The Times
of Troup, Quitman, and Yancey (Mobile, 1876, 525; John W. DuBose, The
Life and Times of William Lowndes Yancey (Birmingham 1952), 561-562.

W. Stanley Hoole, Alias Simon Suggs: The Life and Times of Johnson Jones
Hooper (University, Ala., 1952). 148-160. Hooper was later elected secretary

of the Confederate Congress.

’"Hooper, a fiery Secessionist, "tired of waiting on the cautious movements of the
Secession Convention,” on January 10 hung out his own "flag of the Republic of
Alabama” from the window of the Mail Office, 94 Commerce Street. The deep
blue banner, 18 x 12 ft., carried a six-foot silver star with the letter A in red
in its center. Hooper had borrowed the flag fom Admiral Stone, commander of
the Alabama River Fleet, who had recently brought the steamer Le Grande up
from Mobile (Montgomery Daily Mail, January 11, 1861).

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

papers, printed the Ordinance of Secession in its entirety, stated
on January 16 that,

The Lone Star Flag floated from the dome of the Capitol
and was immediately greeted with the booming of the cannon,
the ringing of the church and the fire bells, and the shouts
of the people. The most intensive excitement prevailed, and
the streets were thronged. . . .

We presume now that no citizen of Alabama can hesitate
for a moment, as to what his duty is, and that every good
and loyal citizens of the State, will be ready to perform
their duty with alacrity. Whatever may have been our views
as to matters of policy in the past, they enter not into the
duties and responsibilities of the present ... So far as the
action of the Convention is concerned, we think it has acted
prudently and wise.

And the Weekly Advertiser, under a banner, “Alabama Out
of the Union — A Glorious Day,” continued :

After passage of the Ordinance of Secession and the ad-
journment of the Convention, the enthusiasm of the outside
rr-nwd found expression in an immediate meeting in front of
the Capitol. A stand was erected upon the steps, and a large
number of ladies and gentlemen ... all of whom . . . expressed
their determination, now that the act had been consummated,
to stand by the sovereign decision of the Convention, as be-
comes the duty of' every good low-abiding citizen.

The meeting then adjourned with the announcement that
another assembly had been planned for the evening at Mont-
gomery Hall. On this occasion an “even larger gathering of
ladies and gentlemen” listened to other speakers and the ut-
most good feeling was everywhere prevalent.” And then, as
if in doubt, the editor added, “May union and harmony alike
prevail in every portion of the State.” 11

The convention reassembled for its sixth session on Janu-
ary 12. Thereafter, until March 21, it met regularly in both

“Montgomery Weekly Advertiser, January 12, 1861. The speakers were Robert
Jemison (Tuscaloosa), J. J. Seibels (Montgomery), H. C. Jones (Lauderdale),
J. L. Sheffield (Marshall), W. S. Earnest (Jefferson), B. S. Bibb (Montgomery),
J. L. M. Curry (Talladega), J. W. Matthews (Mississippi), S. A. Jones (Georgia),
John E. Moore (Lauderdale), A. C. Beard (Marshall), and T. H. Watts (Mont-
gomery) .

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

111

open and secret sessions (except for a recess, February 9 -
March 3), debating such “grave and momentous” matters as
the establishment of military defenses for the state, the issuance
of bonds, the sending of troops to Fort Barrancas and Fort
Pickens at Pensacola, the confiscation of Forts Morgan and
Gaines at Mobile and the United States Arsenal at Mt. Vernon,
and the passing of numerous other ordinances. Standing com-
mittees on foreign relations, imports and exports, postal ar-
rangements, relations with the United States Government, mili-
tary affairs, and other subjects were appointed. 12 And as a
break in the tiring routine, the convention was recessed for
several hours to welcome the University of Alabama Corps of
Cadets, “a fine body of young man,” Colonel Caleb commanding,
which performed “an admirable drill on the Capitol grounds,”
and stood in review for Alabama’s Governor A. B. Moore. 12

Meanwhile, the flag of the “Sovereign Republic of Ala-
bama,” as it was repeatedly called, continued to fly above the
Capitol. For exactly one month, until February 10, it remained
aloft, proclaiming the dissolution between the State of Alabama
and the United States of America. The day before, on the
ninth, according to the Montgomery Daily Mail, the flag was
encircled and all but hidden by smoke arising from the cannon
which was repeatedly fired to celebrate the election of Jefferson
Davis and Alexander H. Stephens as president and vice presi-
dent of the Confederate States of America. 14

On the morning of the tenth the flag was taken down by
four men: A. B. Clitherall, assistant secretary of the Seces-

sion Convention, Ferie Henshaw, W. J. Greene, and Johnson
Hooper, the fiery editor of the Mail, “in order to make room

12 Ordinances and Constitution of the State of Alabama, with the Constitution of
the Confederate States of America (Montgomery, 1861), passim.

' Journal of the Convention of the People . . . , 121; Smith, 187, 189; Mont-
gomery Daily Mail, January 26, 1861; Manly Dairy, January 25, 1861. The 125
cadets accompanied by President L. C. Garland and Major J. T. Murfree, were
addressed by A. B. Meek, speaker of the House of Representatives. Afterwards, the
visitors were guests at "a complimentary ball, given by the citizens of Montgom-
ery.”

’ Davis arrived in Montgomery on February 16 and was inaugurated two days
later (Montgomery Daily Mail, February 19, 1861.) A photograph of the inaugura-
tion may be seen in Francis T. Miller, The Photographic History of the Civil War
(New York, 1911), IX 291.

112

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

for the flag of the Confederate States of America, which will,
ere long, and we trust forever, be flung to the breeze on the
soil of Alabama, and in Montgomery, as the Capitol of the
Confederacy.” In a letter addressed to Cxovernor Moore and
published in the Mail the men explained their action :

The flag was left flying last night from the dome of the
Capitol. We found it this morning, “though torn, still flying,”
and being satisfied, that in a few hours, the gale now blowing,
would have entirely destroyed it, we have taken the respon-
sibility of hauling it down, and now deliver it to you, that it
may be placed in the archives of the State, in perpetual mem-
ory and honor of the Act of Secession in Alabama on the
eleventh of January, 1861, and the ladies of Montgomery by
whom it was presented to the State. 15

Throughout the remaining days of the Secession Conven-
tion and during the first Confederate Congress which met
thereafter, and, indeed, thioughout fifty long months of bloody
fratricidal war, the Alabama flag remained safely stored in the
state archives.

However, at eight o’clock on the morning of April 12, 1865,
a detachment of Major General James H. Wilson’s United States
Cavalry, composed of the 1st Michigan and the 8th Iowa Regi-
ments, Brigadier E. N. McCook commanding, entered and oc-
cupied Montgomery without opposition, the city having been
evacuated the night before.

The Stars and Stripes are floating over the Capitol of
Alabama (Major E. B. Beautmont wrote Colonel R. H. G.
Minty, April 12). General McCook entered the city this morn-
ing without firing a shot. There is no good place to camp off
the Havneville Road. Find the best camp you can. General
Wilson does not want to have any enlisted men in the city. 16

Despite General Wilson’s wishes, the troopers apparently
moved about the city at will. In any case, when they departed
two days later for Tuskegee, Columbus, and West Point, one
of the troopers (who has to this day remained unidentified)

Montgomery Daily Mail, February 11, 1861; Montgomery Advertiser, January 8,
191 l.

The War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies
(Washington 1880-1902), SLIX (2) 33 1, 332. See also reports in XLIX (1).

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

113

serving in the 8th Iowa Regiment, Colonel Joseph H. Dorr
commanding, confiscated the Alabama flag — the flag of the
short-lived Republic of Alabama — and took it with him to
his home in Iowa, 1,400 miles away. 17

For thirty years following the war Alabama had no state
flag. Then, on February 16, 1895, the legislature passed an
act, officially adopting a flag bearing a crimson cross of St.
Andrew upon a field of white. The flag, like those of Missis-
sippi, Florida, Georgia, was chosen out of respect for the Con-
federate Battle Flag which it resembles. 18

In the mid-1920’s, sixty years after it had been stolen, a
search for the first Alabama Flag was initiated by Miss Frances
Hails, a member of the staff of the Alabama State Department
of Archives and History. Five years later, in 1929, it was
located in the Iowa Historical Society where it had been kept
since 1892, at which time it had been obtained from the family
of the anonymous and now deceased cavalryman who had taken
it. Immediately, Mrs. Marie Bankhead Owen, director of the
department, began negotiations for the return of the honored
banner to its rightful home.

It was not an easy or simple task. Officials of the Iowa
Historical Society stated that they did not have the authority
to release the flag. They would never give it up, they said,
unless ordered to do so by the Iowa legislature. The negotiations
continued for ten years without success. 10

Finally, in 1939, H. M. Stanfill, president of the Mobile
Chamber of Commerce, whose help Mrs. Owen had sought,
secured the advise of Senator Lister Hill. Hill, who had served
in the Senate only one year, conferred with Senator Clyde
Herring of Iowa, William Waymark, editor of the Des Moines
Register , John D. Adams, secretary of the Des Moines Cham-
ber of Commerce, William Riley, a leading Iowa lawyer, and
with his brother, Luther L. Hill, who, fortunately, was at that
time living in Des Moines. The plan worked : on February 27,

'7 bid., XL (2), 402-403.

'^Alabama Acts (1894-1895), 719, Marie B. Owen, The Story of Alabama . . .

(New York, 1949), 216-219.

'^Montgomery Advertiser , March 10, 1939.

114

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

1939 the Iowa legislature passed an act, ordering the imme-
diate return of the “Flag of the Republic of Alabama to the
State of Alabama.” The act specified that a delegation com-
posed of the chairman of the Senate Committee on Military
Affairs, the chairman of the House Committee on Military
Affairs, and one member of the Grand Army of the Republic
be designated to return the flag on behalf of the State of Iowa.
For this purpose the sum of $250 was appropriated. 20

The Iowa delegation, consisting of Senator B. C. Whitehill,
a veteran of the Spanish-American War, Representative J. A.
Lucas, a veteran of the famous Rainbow Division of World
War I, and 94-year-old Judge Thomas Jefferson Noll, a vet-
eran of the Civil War and commander-in-chief of the Iowa
division of the Grand Army of the Republic, left Des Moines at
once and arrived in Montgomery on March 7. They were met
at the Union Station by Walter S. Lawrence, a veteran of the
Spnaish-American War, Richard Kelly, Alabama commander
of the American Legion, Silas D. Cater, commander of the
Montgomery Post, American Legion, L. C. Cardinal, a Spanish-
American War veteran, Walter B. Smith, a former commander
of the Montgomery American Legion Post, D. Trotter Jones,
adjutant of the Alabama American Legion, and Colonel Wil-
liam P. Screws, veteran of both the Spanish-American War and
World War I. 21

The Iowans were royally received. They were housed at
the Whitley Hotel and enthusiastically entertained. On their
first day they were escorted about the city. That night they
were honor guests at a reception at the home of Representative
A. C. Davis on South Hull Street. The next day they were
luncheon guests of the three chapters of the United Daughters
of the Confederacy (Sophie Bibb, Cradle of the Confederacy,
and Dixie) at the Jefferson Davis Hotel, and that night they
were entertained by Governor and Mrs. Frank Dixon and Step-
hen F. Craddock, national commander of the American Legion
from Seattle, Washington. Distinguished guests at these several
functions included, besides those mentioned, Former Governor

Iowa Acts ( 1938-1939), 51-52. The act also specified that any other men who
had served in the Rainbow Division, World War I, could accompany the official
delegation, provided they paid their own expenses.

^Montgomery Advertiser, March 8-9, 1939.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

115

and Mrs. Bibb Graves, Mayor and Mrs. William A. Gunter,
Lieutenant Governor and Mrs. Albert Carmichael, Judge and
Mrs. Hugh Merrill, General Joseph R. Kennedy of Tuscaloosa,
commander of the Alabama Chapter of Confederate Veterans,
General Paul Sanguinetti of the United Confederate Veterans,
(who was also ninety-four years old), and many others.

On March 8 the Montgomery Advertiser in a front page
story with photographs of General Noll and Sanguinetti stand-
ing on the Confederate star on the Capitol porch, shaking hands,
stated that at last the “tattered banner” which symbolized
the freedom and independence of Alabama had come home in
a “spirit of brotherly love and affection.” In an interview
Senator Whitehall stated that the Iowa legislature was con-
vinced that “the return of the flag would bring back a lot of
good friendship and fellowship between the North and the
South.” Representative Lucas added that the “banner was
taken away in a spirit of hate and enmity, but it was now
returned in a spirit of brotherly love and affection.” And the
dapper old General Noll, who was proudly dressed in his
Yankee uniform, added that there had never been any loss of
friendship so far as the North was concerned. “You fellows
down here just turned your back on us for a while. Now,
we’re glad we’re all united again in one great republic.” Then
with his eyes twinkling, the old veteran jokingly asked, “Say,
have you fellows got a picture of Abe Lincoln anywhere around
here?”

On Wednesday, May 8, before a joint session of the Ala-
bama House and Senate, the Alabama flag severely worn and
tattered was officially returned to the state in an unprecedented,
solemn ceremony in the House chamber which was “festooned
with Confederate and United States flags” — the same zoom
in which it had been so proudly unfurled seventy-eight years
previously. The gallery was over-flowing with spectators and
many stood in the lobby, porticoes, and corridors, just as their

When returned, the fragmented flag was in very poor condition, too fragile to
handle. It has since deteriorated further until only a small portion remains. How-
ever, two copies have been made, one for the Department of Archives and History
to display and the other for the chamber of the House of Representatives. A
photograph of one of these may be seen in Virginia K. Jones, ed., (Letters of Rev.
W. H. Mitchell,” AHQ, XXIII, (Spring, 1961), 185.

116

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

forefathers had done, “to hear though they could not see” the
historic activities in progress.

Everyone stood when the two Confederate veterans, Gen-
erals Sanguinetti and Kennedy, walked to the Speaker's plat-
form. Then followed the many dignitaries, including Mrs.
Owen. The ceremony which followed the introductions wa-s
'‘memorable for its depth of cordiality and sentimental appeal,”
stated the Advertiser . “After long and diverse wanderings the
flag of the ‘Republic of Alabama’ was again unfurled . . . come
home to stay through the gracious gesture of the State of Iowa.”

On behalf of the State of Alabama, Governor Dixon received
the flag from Senator Whitehall, saying that it was “an earnest
of the kindness and thoughtfulness of Iowa.” Then he added,

I am moved by the same sentiment that moves every man
and woman here . . . Most people in this hall had grand-
fathers who fought in the defeated army . . . Iowa realizes
how near and dear these things are to us. We will remember
always with a depth of sentiment the fine, gracious gesture
of our Iowa friends.

Senator Whitehill, who had presented the flag replied:

How, when or where the (cavalryman of the 8th Iowa
regiment) found this flag, we do not know, why he took it
we can but conjecture. He was a soldier, and like all soldiers
in any war, he took whatever he found, regardless of owner-
ship . . .

And Senator Hill, who was not present, had sent a message
which was read by Governor Dixon :

The gracious and gallant act of the Iowa legislature in
returning the flag is an earnest proof that just as the men
of Iowa and Alabama, as fellow soldiers in the Rainbow Divi-
sion on the battlefields of France, mingled their blood and
heroically fought the common enemy, so today Iowa and Ala-
bama with common interests, common problems, and com-
mon purposes stand side by side in friendship and fraternity,
striving for the happiness of their people and the welfare of
our common country.

During the somewhat lengthy program Mrs. Owen, who,

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

117

according to the Advertiser , “perhaps gloried in the occasion
more than any other person,” sat with her “eyes fixed on
Senator Whitehill . . . , Hanging on to his words . . . like Grant
hung around Richmond.” 23 And at the conclusions of the cere-
monies she accepted the flag from Governor Dixon and took
it to the Department of Archives and History where, its odyssey
ended, it remains as one of Alabama’s most treasured historical
possessions.

Denouement

One question remains to be answered: was the flag which
was officially accepted by the Secession Convention on Janu-
ary 11, 1861 — Alabama’s first flag, the flag that served the
state during the month that she was “free, sovereign, and in-
dependent,” not affiliated in any manner with the United States
but not yet one of the thirteen states of the Confederacy — was -
this flag the “Alabama Secession Flag” or “The Flag of the
Republic of Alabama”?

That the flag was generally known and often described in
the press as the flag of the republic cannot be denied. It was
the republic’s flag to the Montgomery Advertiser and the Mont-
gomery Mail , the two papers which most closely covered the
convention. It was also the republic’s flag to the Birmingham
News and Tuscaloosa News. 2 * Thomas H. Watts, a delegate to
the Secession Convention, in addressing the body on January 25,
1861, referred to Alabama as a republic. It was the republic’s
flag to the Iowa legislature which, in the act authoring its re-
turn, called it “the flag of the Republic of Alabama.” And it
was the “Flag of the Republic of Alabama” to Walter L. Fleming,
whose Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama has been the
definitive study of the period for nearly seventy-five years. 26

On the contrary, nowhere in the Journal of the Coyivention
of the People of the State of Alabama. . . , January 7-21, 1861,
or in the Ordinances and Constitution of the State of Ala-
bama. . . , January 11-March 20, 1861, is Alabama described

Montgomery Advertiser , March 8-9, 1939.
"‘Birmingham Neivs, Tuscaloosa News, March 7-10, 1939*
" Smith, 220.

20 (New York, 1905), 57.

118

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

otherwise than as a state . 27 Nor is the flag called that of a
republic.

Therefore, we must conclude that, while Alabama was in
"the eyes of her people and for all practical intent and purpose a
‘Tree, independent, and sovereign Republic,” she was never so
identified in the official records. Thus, we answer our question
with another question: which are we to accept as the final

judgment, the letter of the law — or the will of the people ? 28

On January 25 Henry C. Jonfcs, a delegate from Lauderdale County, stated,
. . it is conceded that Alabama does not design to remain as a separate State —
that she will be a member of a Confederate Republic in a few weeks, is as certain
as that the Sun will rise tomorrow.” (Smith, 208).

T am grateful to Milo B. Howard, Jr., director of the Alabama State Department of
Archives and History, and to Grady McWhiney, chairman, Department of
History, The University of Alabama, for their valuable assistance in the prepara-
tion of this article.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

119

OBSERVATIONS ON THE 1791 FLOODS IN ALABAMA

Jack D. L. Holmes*

When Alphonse Karr wrote in 1849, “The more things
change, the more they remain the same,” he brought home to
this writer the woeful experience Alabama has had over the
centuries at the hands of disastrous floods. So many people
lost valuable property around Lake Logan-Martin in April of
1977 that the Federal Government declared portions of Ala-
bama “disaster areas.” Helping people in their time of need is
a legitimate function of a progressive government, one which
the United States has adopted over the past two centuries, but
it may be interesting to note that before portions of Alabama
became American, while they were still under the dominion of
Spain (1780-1813), floods posed a problem for the Spanish
government.

In 1791 the Mobile District was commanded by Vicente
Folch y Juan, a remarkable career officer who had first come
to America during the American Revolution. Between 1787
and 1792 Folch’s vigorous administration of Mobile induced
thousands of settlers from the United States to transfer their
allegiance to Spain and to settle on free land grants along the
lower reaches of the Tensaw and Tombigbee Rivers. 1

Folch’s uncle in New Orleans was the equally-capable
governor-general of Louisiana and West Florida, Colonel Este-

* Professor of History, University of Alabama in Birmingham. Research for this
paper, which was read before the Alabama Academy of Science at Tuscaloosa,
April 8, 1977, was made possible by a grant-in-aid from the UAB Faculty Re-
search Committee, for which the author is extremely grateful.

’On the role of Folch and his development of the Mobile District, see Jack D. L.
Holmes, "Three Early Memphis Commandants: Beauregard, DeVille DeGoutin,
and Folch,” West Tennessee Historical Society Papers, XVIII (1964), 14-26;
"Notes on the Spanish Fort San Esteban de Tombecbe,” The Alabama Review,
XVIII, No. 4 (October, 1965), 281-290; and David H. White, "The Indian
Policy of Juan Vicente Folch [sic], Governor of Spanish Mobile, 1787-1792,”
The Alabama Review, XXVIII, No. 4 (October, 1975), 260-275.

120

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

ban Miro. 2 It was Miro who met with the American General
James Wilkinson in 1787 and discussed what has become known
in American history as the “Spanish Conspiracy, 1 ” but he was
also responsible for the government policies which attracted so
many -settlers to the sparsely-populated valleys of the lower
Mississippi and Tombigbee. Miro wrote to Captain-general
Luis de las Casas, his superior office with headquarters in
Havana in 1791, and he reported to the Secretary of War, the
Conde del Campo de Alange, from Havana on July 29, 1791, as
follows :

“In an April 30 letter sent to me by the governor of New
Orleans, he included copies of dispatches sent to him by the
commandants of Mobile and Feliciana and likewise his replies
concerning an inundation suffered at those settlements with
the loss of many animals, provisions and part of their homes,
because of which catastrophe he has aided the victims with 200
barrel-s of whole corn subsidized by the Division of Settlement
funds, and he concludes with the request that I report same to
His Majesty for his royal approval. . . .” 3

Feliciana was a new district located some 45 leagues above
New Orleans on the left bank of the Mississippi, just south of
the much older district of Natchez. 4 Miro reported that, because
the estuary on which Feliciana was situated tended to overflow
across the farm lands of the interior, the floods had virtually
destroyed the new settlement. In the Mobile district, where
the Mobile River had also flooded, settlers of the Tensaw and
Tombigbee districts were likewise in need of government aid,

‘Miro, born in northeastern Spain (Cataluna), had been colonel of the Louisiana
Infantry Regiment with yeoman service in the Spanish conquest of British West
Florida (Baton Rouge, Mobile, and Pensacola) during the American Revolution.
A biographical sketch is included with his 1792 description of Louisiana, published
in Jack D. L. Holmes (ed.), Documentos ineditos para la historia de la Luisiana ,
1792-1810, Vol. XV, Coleccion Chivjalistac (Madrid: Ediciones Jose Porrua
Turanzas, 1963).

Luis de las Casas to Conde del Campo de Alange, Havana, July 29, 1791, copy in
Archivo General de Simancas (Spain), Guerra Moderna, legajo 6916.

Named for Felicitas de St. Maxent, who was married to Spain’s redoubtable mili-
tary genius, Bernardo de Galvez, New Feliciana was located on the left bank of
the Mississippi on an estuary (probably Thompson’s Creek). Its flood damage
is described in Miro to Luis de las Casas, No. 161, New Orleans, April 30, 1791,
copy in ibid, and also in Archivo General de Indias, Papeles procedentes de la Isla
de Cuba (Sevilla), legajo 1440.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

121

which Miro offered in the form of 200 barrels of corn (on the
ear) for two widows and their children at Feliciana, and the
numerous settlers along the Alabama rivers.

Anselmo Blanchard 5 wrote Miro from Feliciana on April 20,
1791, and reported that the torrential rains of March 15 —
“Beware the Ides of March” should be altered to “Beware the
Tides of March,” perhaps — followed by two days of incessant
rains had produced such an “avenue” of water that houses were
flooded and the rude levees had been washed away, killing num-
erous animals of all kinds. Those settlers unable to save their
provisions stumbled about trying by sheer muscle to stem the
tide against levels which reached five and six feet in depth.
All of this activity caused such chaos and confusion among the
poor settlers who were hard-pressed to salvage any of their
crops for the year. Among those who were particularly hard-
hit were two poor widows and their numerous children who lost'
everything to the swirling waters. Without recourses or sav-
ings, they faced a bleak future, according to Blanchard, who
pleaded with Governor-general Miro to provide some disaster
assistance, inasmuch as the settlement was so new that it
lacked the wherewithal to help itself. “Doing this,” he con-
cluded, “will give you the warm feeling of having alleviated
the suffering of those unfortunates, who will never cease their
pr.iyers to the Omnipotent One for the good fortune and pros-
perity of Your Excellency.” 0

Miro replied on May 5, 1791, that the people of Feliciana
had suffered as had the settlers along the Tensaw and Tom-
bigbee from record-breaking floods, and that their misery caused
him much grief. “You shall take whatever measures possible,”
he added, “to provide alternative work for those farmers.” As
for the two widows for whom Blanchard had requested aid,

Blanchard, a native of Nova Scotia (Acadia), joined the Spanish military when
General Alexander O’Reilly reorganized it in 1770. He fought with distinguished
valor in the Baton Rouge and Mobile campaigns of 1779 and 1780, and was re-
warded with the military post command of New Feliciana on its founding. See
Jack D. L. Holmes, Honor and Fidelity: The Louisiana Infantry Regiment and
the Louisiana Militia Companies, 1766-1821, Vol. I, Louisiana Collection Series
(Birmingham, 1965), 168-169.

Anselmo Blanchard to Esteban Miro, Feliciana, April 20, 1791, copy enclosed in
Las Casas to Campo de Alange, July 29, 1791.

122

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Miro advised that they be given necessary corn and rice to take
care of their needs until the end of 1791. The number of
children cared for by each widow was to be reported along with
the expected needs per month. * * 7 For this disaster relief, Miro
took an exceptional responsibility of providing government food
without proper authorization, but in the name of benevolence
and following the traditional Spanish pattern of noblesse oblige ,
the administrator thought first of the suffering people and
delayed the requisite paper work for another day. 8

The situation in Alabama was even worse than that suf-
fered along the Mississippi, however, and Commandant Folch
at Mobile gave his uncle, Miro, a full report on the damage.
Spain operated under the church-state agreement known as the
Patronato Real , whereby the government was responsible for
the creation of new parishes, the appointment of priests, and the
financial support of the sole public church, the Roman Catholic.
Folch had planned to leave Mobile for St. Stephens, which he
had helped establish in 1789, in order to receive officially a
new house built for the use of the parish priest at Tombigbee’s
parish, the Church of the Transfiguration. He left Mobile on
March 18 and found on his arrival a general state of alarm
among the settlers due to the rising level of the river — already
six feet above its usual stage. Folch explained to Miro what
had taken place following his arrival : 9

“On the nights of the 18th and 19th [March] the river rose
three and one half feet and was already beginning to flood the
meadows and it was essential to move the cattle to a place of
higher ground. At noon of the same day, recognizing that they
could do nothing to save those which were missing, they pro-
ceeded in salvaging their furniture and those personal belong-
ings each regarded as most valuable. During the night of the
19th-20th the river rose four feet, and at seven a.m. it began
to carry away the Negro cabins, warehouses, barns and virtu-
ally all the buildings. Those largest buildings because of their

; Miro to Blanchard, New Orleans, May 5, 1791, copy in ibid.

Tor a similar "extraordinary” example of noblesse oblige, see Jack D. L. Holmes,

"The 1794 New Orleans Fire: A Case Study of Spanish Noblesse Oblige,”

Louisiana Studies, XV, No. 1 (Spring, 1976), 21-44.

9 Vicente Folch to Miro, No. 342, Mobile, April 11 [17?], 1791, copy enclosed in
Las Casas to Campo de Alange, July 29, 1791.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

123

size and height, which were not washed away on the 20th, suf-
fered the same misfortune on the 21st, that being the day the
settlement wa-s completely ruined.

“From the 21st to the 26th the waters continued to rise
from 27 to 32 inches, and from the 26th to the 31st (when they
finally reached their highest stage), from 12 to 13 inches. By
measurements which I made myself in company with some of
the settlers, we found the water had risen 25 feet above the
normal level.

“This flood, which is unprecedented even in the memory of
the Indians, has -surprised everyone. The short number of ca-
noes and the rapid currents and rise in the water level, pre-
vented them from salvaging all but a small number of provisions,
despite all their efforts.

“Notwithstanding all these adversities I have the satisfac-
tion of being able to inform you that there was not a single
casualty, black or white, which I will leave to Your Excellency
to note that the u-sual confusion which accompanies similar con-
flicts and always causes the high rate of casualties, did not
exist here.”

Folch was unable to report the precise losses since most
of the families had taken to the high ground and relative safety
and they were scattered across the hills and bluffs, but he
promised a full report when the waters receded. Noting that
1791 had not been a particularly successful year for crops in
the Mobile District, Folch commented that a large number of
immigrants from the United States was expected and that the
storekeepers were hoarding supplies and provisions in the hope
of selling them to the newcomers at high prices, a speculation
which Folch felt added to the miserable situation. 10 Some

Folch’s opposition to profiteering at the expense of suffering people was long-
standing. In an 1805 regulation for Pensacola, where he later exercised command,
Folch warned against merchants raising their prices during a time of scarcity. "We
are convinced,” he cried, "that this is the Idol of the Userer, who closes his eyes
and ears to the needs and cries of his fellow-man and concentrates solely on satis-
fying the thirst that consumes him, abandoned and neglectful of the friendship
that men who live in the same society owe toward each other.” Jack D. L. Holmes,
"Pensacola: Spanish Dominion, 1781-1821,” in Colonial Pensacola, ed. by James
R. McGovern (Pensacola, 1974), 119-120.

124

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

three hundred black and white settlers of both sexes had ar-
rived in the area during the first two weeks of March, all
hoping to settle in the fertile, well-watered valley of the Tom-
bigbee. The roads were choked with families coming to Ala-
bama in search of better economic opportunity, and their arrival
on the heels of the flood aggravated an already difficult situa-
tion. Blocked on the one hand by ravines and bluffs, and on
the other by the impassable, flooded Alabama River, they were
unable to appear in person in Mobile to sign their oath of
loyalty to the Spanish crown and to file for their free land
grants.

Commenting on the “true state of this district,” Folch wrote
that in the entire Tombigbee District only Fort San Esteban
(Ft. St. Stephens), the parish house, and four or five homes
belonging to settlers which had been built atop the hills, were
still standing. Because the barns and storehouses of these set-
tlers were built on lower ground, they faced a dismal future
with the loss of all their livestock and feed.

“The rest of the families,” he wrote, “are without shelter,
hardly with enough to eat, and their fields which were expected
to provide their sustenance, still under the muddy waters.”

Folch was a staunch enemy of speculation and the use of
disaster as an excuse for merchants to raise their prices and
earn unfair profits. “The price of a barrel of corn-on-the-cob
before the flood was 65^- f.o.b. St. Stephens, and on the 26th
[of March] they were asking $5.00 a barrel” Accordingly, Folch
ordered hand-bills posted in the usual public places, warning
that the maximum price of whole corn was $1.25 a barrel while
corn off the cob was set at $24.00. Folch arrived at the sums
by calculating the median price between a year of plenty and
one of scarcity. The government also interfered in a private
mercantile transaction when he cancelled a shipment of 400
barrels of corn-on-the-cob being shipped in a schooner to Pen-
sacola from Mobile. Obviously the corn was more needed in
the Mobile District for the alleviation of the suffering caused
by the floods.

Two friendly Indians came to Mobile and reported on what
they had seen in the countryside. All the Indian villages scat-

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

125

tered along the upper Alabama River experienced similar floods
and suffering was widespread. Folch suspected the same fate
had visited the various Chickasaw villages along the Tombigbee
River since they were further south of the reported Choctaw
towns.

Folch recommended that the Royal Treasury increase its
reserves of corn so as to give supplementary rations to the
Indians, in keeping with the promises made at the Treaty of
Mobile in 1784 to provide such provisions. 11 “It would be far
cheaper to provide them with corn,” he added, “than to give
them bread and rice, which are more expensive.”

Miro and Folch both followed a benevolent noblesse oblige
policy toward the vassals under their command. When official
regulations required prior approval for corn distributed to the
suffering victims and this would take considerable time, those
administrators who were most effective turned out to be most
humane. Both Miro and Folch took upon themselves the re-
sponsibility of providing immediate succor for the flood vic-
tims and hoped that a benevolent crown would reimburse them
for their expenses. If not, they had decided to bear the expense
from their own pockets — hardly a gesture that weak, tyranni-
cal, or stupid Spanish officals would do. Folch was ordered
to supply the settlers of the Mobile District with corn for the
personal use of the families stricken by the floods and also as
a loan for use as seed. Likewise, Miro approved the price-fixing
of Folch, adding that “it is unworthy that anyone should seek
advantage from the public calamity.” The Indians should also
be provided with emergency provisions, Folch and Miro agreed.
Miro sent a royal schooner with 80 barrels of flour and asked
Folch to sent it back to New Orleans immediately so that it
might return loaded with the needed corn.

The captain-general of Cuba, to whom Miro reported these
happenings, sent his dispatch to his superiors in Spain with his
positive recommendations. As time passed, the necessary regu-

n On Spanish relations with the Choctaws in the Mobile District, see Jack D. L.
Holmes, "The Choctaws in 1795,” Alabama Historical Quarterly, XXX, No. 1
(Spring, 1968), 5, 33-49; and "Spanish Treaties with West Florida Indians,
1784-1802,” Florida Historical Quarterly, XLVIII, No. 2 (October, 1969),
140-154.

1.26

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

lations were issued to Havana that the emergency expenses em-
ployed by Miro and Folch in alleviating the distress and suf-
fering of the Spanish settlers in the Mobile District, all be
approved. Once again, as in the hurricanes of 1779 and 1780;
as in the disastrous fire of 1788 in New Orleans; and as would
be followed in 1794 when another fire virtually destroyed the
Louisiana capital — Spanish policy aimed at relief, recovery,
and rehabilitation. The chain of command ivas eventually fol-
lowed, but individual initiative which characterized the activi-
ties of Folch and Miro in Alabama during the 1791 floods dem-
onstrated that the Spanish colonial system was not as ailing
as some careless historians have claimed.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

127

THE ARREST AND TRIAL OF RYLAND RANDOLPH
APRIL-MAY, 1868

Mike Daniel

One of the most flamboyant figures during the Reconstruc-
tion period in Alabama was Ryland Randolph, the fiery editor
of the Tuskaloosa Independent Monitor. After fighting for
Southern independence during the War Between the States,
Randolph began a new fight for white supremacy in October,
1867, when he purchased the Tuskaloosa newspaper. Ran-
dolph’s venomous diatribes against Carpetbaggers, Scalawags,
and blacks, and his association with the Ku Klux Klan made
his name anathema to the Radical Alabama government, llis
vehement opposition to the Reconstruction of the South led
to his arrest and trial by the military in 1868. Although Ran-
dolph may have been guilty of assault, his illegal trial by the
military provides one of the best examples of military oppres-
sion in Reconstruction Alabama. The Radicals in Alabama
did not always follow their policy of “equal protection of the
laws.”

In October, 1867, when Randolph arrived in Tuscaloosa,
the county was in disarray. Racial tension was ubiquitous and
often explosive. Moreover, the white population of the county
was divided against itself. Unionists in the northern part of
the county cooperated with the Republicans; most whites in
the rest of the county vehemently opposed the new party. When
Randolph began publishing the Independent Monitor, he hoped
to organize opponents of Radical Reconstruction into a power-
ful and cohesive force. 1

Montgomery Advertiser, January 22, 1911; John Witherspoon DuBose, Alabama’s
Tragic Decade, edit. James K. Greer (Birmingham: Webb Book Company, 1940),
242; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern
Re const ruction (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1971; Harper Torch-
books, 1972), 84.

The general histories of Alabama, such as Willis Brewer, Alabama: Her
History, War Records and Public Men (1872), Albert B. Moore, History of Ala-
bama (1934) and Thomas M. Owen, History of Alabama and Dictionary of Ala-
bama Biography (1921), are extremely brief in their mention of Randolph. The
two standard works on Alabama Reconstruction, John W. DuBose, Alabama’s

128 ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

He accomplished what he set out to do but only by becoming
a martyr of sorts in a celebrated military trial. The incident
tint led to his trial was the stabbing of a black named Balus
Eddins on March 28, 1868. That Saturday morning, as was
customary in downtown Tuscaloosa, an auction was being
held in front of Rhea and Martin’s store. One member of the
crowd, a drunken white man named John Hollingsworth, picked
a fight with Eddins. 2 Randolph, sitting in his office across
the street, heard the noise and because of recent threats by
blacks who were angry about Ku Klux depredations, suspected
that a “collision between the races” was in progress. Grab-
bing a long-bladed knife and a derringer pistol, he hurried into
the street, where he saw a turbulent crowd of about two hun-
dred blacks and twenty whites. At the center of the commotion
“two burly negroes had a small white man down on the side-
walk, one beating him unmercifully with a big stick.” 3

Realizing that he could not shoot the blacks without in-
juring bystanders, Randolph fired into the air, hoping to
frighten the attackers. The shot caused the blacks to cease
their assault upon Hollingsworth and one of them, Eddins, at-
tacked Randolph with a stick. Randolph “caught the blow
glancingly” upon his left arm, and the same instant plunged
his “knife repeatedly into his body, finally breaking off about
an inch of the blade’s point in his back as he turned to run.”

Tragic Decade (1940) and Walter L. Fleming, Civil War and Reconstruction in
Alabama (New York: The Columbia University Press, 1905) provide much valu-
ab’e information concerning Randolph as does Allen W. Trelease in his White
Terror (1971). Sarah Woolfolk Wiggins has written two informative articles
about Randolph, "The Life of Ryland Randolph As Seen Through His Letters to
John W. DuBose” ( Alabama Historical Quarterly, XXX, 145-80) and "The
Po'itical Cartoons of the Tuskaloosa htdependent Monitor and Tuskaloosa Blade”
( Alabama Historical Quarterly, XXVII, 140-65). Two unpublished master’s
theses, Gladys Ward, "Life of Ryland Randolph” (University of Alabama, 1932)
and Nancy Anne Sindon, "The Career of Ryland Randolph: A Study in Re-
construction Journalism” (Florida State University, 1965), provide the most de-
tailed studies of Randolph.

Montgomery Daily Mail, as quoted in the Tuskaloosa Independent Monitor, May
5, 1868.

The only known mention of Hollingsworth’s first name is located in the
official testimony where a defense witness, James Rhea, calls him "Jno. Hollings-
worth.”

Ryland Randolph Memoirs (Samford University, Special Collections, Birming-
ham, Alabama), 86-88.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

129

Eddin-s fell and Randolph assumed that he was dead. Hollings-
worth immediately began to beat Eddins on the head with a
large stone. After Randolph stopped Hollingsworth’s attack,
he “cooly and very deliberately” wiped his bloody knife on
the sole of his shoe “in the presence of the large body of dumb-
founded negroes who stood nearby .” 4

The actions of the white onlookers particularly disturbed
Randolph. While the blacks urged on their comrades, the whites
had merely stood and watched. Even when Randolph inter-
vened in the fight, “not one of those palefaces moved in his
tracks except to get away .” 5

Randolph interpreted this passivity as cowardice on the
part of Tuscaloosa whites; therefore, he believed it essential
that he stand fast when told that a black mob was forming
outside his office. He felt that his recent actions would be in
vain if he fled to Foster’s Settlement as his friends urged him . 0
Instead he armed himself with guns and a bowie knife and con-
fronted the two hundred angry blacks. He pointed his gun
toward the mob and then moved toward them. The blacks be-
gan to run, “and in not less than five minutes not a negro was
to be seen on the streets .” 7

Randolph saw this affair not only as an effort to save the
life of a white man but also as “a caution to those many insolent

*Ibid.

Most Democratic newspapers in Alabama reported this affair in approximately
the same vein as Randolph was later to write in his Memoirs. The Democratic
newspapers that covered the controversy extensively were the Montgomery Daily
Advertiser, Montgomery Daily Mail, Mobile Daily Register, Selma Times and
Messenger, and Tuskaloosa Independent Monitor. However, the Republican news-
papers printed an entirely different interpretation. The Republican Montgomery
Daily State Sentinel on April 11, 1868, (as quoted in Sindon) described the affair
in these terms: "We have been informed that a crazy man by the name of Ran-
dolph . . . has been arrested upon the charge of committing some outrage. . . .
It is to be hoped no punishment will be inflicted upon him, but that he be taken
care of by the Superintendant of the Insane Asylum. It is not safe to any com-
munity to permit an insane man go at large. Cage the unfortunate creature.”
5 Ibid., 11.

"Ibid., 88-89.

7 Wiggins, "The Life of Ryland Randolph As Seen Through His Letters to John W.
DuBose,” AHQ, XXX, 166,

130

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Negroes, who essay to fight the ruling race of the land.’* 8
According to Randolph the stabbing of Eddins also caused many
white men to get “off from the fence” and take the side of
the whites. 9

On March 31 a Tuscaloosa Justice of the Peace ordered
Randolph’s arrest, and on April 1 Randolph appeared before
the magistrate. The judge only examined one witness, Eddins’
doctor, and then placed Randolph under bond to appear before
Circuit Judge William S. Mudd. 10 Some twenty Tuscaloosa
citizens paid the bond, which was set at ^RSOO. 11 Since Balus
Eddins had not died, Randolph was charged with assault and
battery.

Judge Mudd, known as a loyal man, had been unbiased in
dealing with both Radicals and Conservatives. Even though it
appeared that Randolph would receive an impartial trial, the
Tuscaloosa Radicals feared Randolph’s acquittal and applied to
the military authorities in Montgomery for his arrest. Since
Randolph knew of these actions, he could easily have escaped.
However, he did not want to evade an investigation and decide
to surrender to the authorities in Montgomery. 12

The exact date of Randolph’s departure for Montgomery is
unknown. However, in the April 7 edition of the Monitor ,
Henderson Somerville and A. B. McEachin, two attorneys in
temporary charge of the paper, reported that they knew nothing
of Randolph’s whereabouts. But they added that it was rumored
that the editor had gone to Montgomery “to investigate the
libellous misrepresentations” made against him. 13

s Monitor , April 1, 1868.

Randolph felt that this warning was a success. In the April 7 edition of the
Monitor he said that the stabbing had a great effect on all of "niggerdom” in
Tuscaloosa and that "They now feel their inferiority, in every particular to the
white man.”

3 Ibid., April 7, 1868.

Montgomery Daily Mail, April 22, 1868; Edwin Beecher to O. L. Shepherd, April
10, 1868, District of Alabama, Records of United States Army Continental Com-
mands, 1821-1920, Record Group 393, National Archives.
l Sindon, "The Career of Ryland Randolph,” 44.

'Montgomery Daily Mail, April 22, 1868.

Monitor , April 7, 1868.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

131

After the military ordered Randolph’s arre-st, federal troops
surrounded the house of Mrs. M. J. Eddins of Tuscaloosa on
April 13 and searched for Randolph. Two days later a squad
of twenty United States Cavalrymen, coming from the direction
of Greensboro, arrived in Tuscaloosa and searched other homes,
but Randolph was not found. The Monitor declared that “the
soldiers are said to have performed their disagreeable duty
with as lfttle offensiveness as was compatible with the unlawful
outrage. They were under orders, and were compelled to obey.
The responsibility of the affair rests with those in higher places,
who have ordered the perpetration of the insolent deed.” 14

Randolph travelled to Montgomery via Greensboro and
Selma. Somewhere between Tuscaloosa and Greensboro, Ran-
dolph passed the soldiers sent to arrest him. Upon his arrival
in Selma on April 15, Randolph visited Robert McKee, the
conservative editor of the Selma Times and Messenger who of-
fered to assist Randolph. 15 While in Selma Randolph also visited
an old friend, James H. Clanton. 16 He volunteered to be part
of Randolph’s counsel and introduced the editor to a Yankee
officer, Captain Alfred Hedburg. Clanton requested that Hed-
burg accompany Randolph to Montgomery and the officer
agreed. Randolph and Hedburg travelled to Montgomery by
steamboat where they slept in the same room and often drank
to each other’s health. Randolph regretted parting with Hed-
burg upon their arrival in Montgomery. 17

Randolph arrived in Montgomery at approximately 9:00
P.M. on April 18 and reported immediately to the headquarters
of General 0. L. Shepherd, the commanding army officer of
Alabama. Randolph found Shepherd socially agreeable, but
when he saw copies of the Republican State Sentinel on Shep-

u lbid., April 21, 1868.

The homes of William A. Battle, James H. Fitts, Dr. S. J. Leach, Joseph
Pegues, and John M. Martin were searched by the soldiers on April 15.

Ryland Randolph to Robert McKee, April 23, 1868, Robert McKee Papers, Ala-
bama Department of Archives and History, Montgomery, Alabama. Later Ran-
dolph was to ask McKee to try to influence any of the soldiers on the Military
Commission that McKee might be acquainted with.

Sindon, "The Career of Ryland Randolph,” 7. Clanton and Randolph had first
become acquainted while students at the University of Alabama and Randolph
later served in Clanton’s cavalry during the Civil War.

' Ryland Randolph Memoirs, 26-27.

132

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

herd’s desk, he immediately knew the General’s political lean-
ings. Because of the late hour, Shepherd asked Randolph to
report again the next day. Randolph enjoyed a restful night
at Pizzala’s European House, under the impression that Shep-
herd’s cordial reception would be indicative of his future
treatment. 18

When Randolph returned to Shepherd’s office at 10 :00 A.M.
the next morning, the presence of a guard shook his confidence.
Randolph told the general that he surrendered because he heard
that Shepherd sent a “drunken official” to Tuscaloosa to arrest
him. Colonel Edwin Beecher, an official of the Freedman's
Bureau, went to Tuscaloosa ahead of the soldiers to gather
information concerning the stabbing. Since Beecher, present
during part of the meeting, received most of his information
from Tuscaloosa Radicals, Randolph informed Shepherd that
only one side of the story had been told and then denied that
he had ever opposed the military authorities. But Randolph did
say that he “intended by God’s grace, to ‘pitch into’ scallawags,
niggers, and carpetbaggers to the end of recorded time.” Some
comic relief was provided by the fact that Randolph himself
carried a carpetbag that he had purchased in Selma “for con-
venience sake.” Randolph felt that the carpetbag “would be a
good introduction to the military.” 19

Shepherd arrested Randolph for the assualt and turned him
over to the commandant of the Montgomery military post.
Shepherd denied Randolph bail, although Randolph was willing
to furnish a bond of a half-million dollars. Randolph was
marched through the public streets of Montgomery to his place
of confinement, the carpenter shop of the military camp. While
in the prison Randolph was continuously under the surveillance
of a sentinel. His first day in prison was uncomfortable, but
his friends soon brought food, furniture, and flowers. The
authorities allowed him to see a few friends each day, including
General Clanton. Randolph was reputed to have many sym-
pathizers among the soldiers because many of them had either

8 Monitor , April 28, 1868. This edition includes a lengthy letter written by Ran-
dolph while he was in prison in Montgomery.

9 Ibid .

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

133

whipped or killed a black at some time. 20

General Shepherd kept Randolph in the Montgomery prison
for one week and then unexpectedly transferred him to Selma
on April 25. Because Randolph saw none of his friends before
his departure, they did not know immediately of his removal.
The military gave no reason for the transfer, but Randolph
felt that Shepherd moved him because his friends had made him
so comfortable in Montgomery. 21

Randolph was confined in the filty Selma “calaboose” along
with eleven other men who had been tried by a military court.
These men did not know their sentence and informed Randolph
that months often pass before the sentences were revealed.
The conditions of the Selma prison especially appalled Ran-
dolph: his quarters in Montgomery had been better than ex-

pected, but the Selma jail was disgraceful. He feared that he-
and his companions would soon become infested with “grey-
backs.” 22

When Randolph arrived in Selma he did not know when his
trial was scheduled. He feared that the authorities would keep
him in limbo as long as possible to prevent him from returning
to his newspaper. Randolph believed that his arrest disguised
an attempt by the military to muzzle free press and to crush
free speech, 211 but he was not easily quieted. In a letter to the
temporary editors of the Monitor , he exhorted them to “abate
not one -scintilla of fiery vigor in the Monitor , whether General
Shepherd likes it or not. We are not catering for his pleasure,
or for that of any other man who essays to trample upon per-
sonal liberty and political rights.” 21

While Randolph was imprisoned, his Tuscaloosa friends
were not inactive. A meeting of support for Randolph, com-
posed of most of Tuscaloosa’s influential citizens, was held on

20 lbid.

n lbid., May 5, 1868.

This edition of the Monitor contains a letter written by Randolph while he
was imprisoned in Selma.

22 Ibid .

''Ibid., April 28, 1868.

“Ibid., May 5, 1868.

134

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

April 29 at the Tuscaloosa courthouse. The meeting adopted
several resolutions, the most important of which stated “that
we regard this procedure on the part of General Shepherd as an
unnecessary interference with the civil courts of the States,
without decent pretext or color of excuse, as a flagrant act of
injustice, uncalled for by any particular circumstances of the
alleged offense, as unconstitutional and partisan in its aims
and purposes.” They also asked President Andrew Johnson
to remove General Shepherd and vowed themselves ready to
help Randolph “in any lawful and expedient measures that may
be adopted ... to release him from his unlawful captivity.”
They formed a committee of five to help secure the aims of these
resolutions. 25

Randolph’s legal counsel also remained active. On April 22
Randolph’s lawyers filed a petition for a writ of habeas corpus
before Judge Richard Busteed, the United States District Judge
for Alabama. Since Judge Busteed was not then in Mobile, no
order was issued on this date. 20 However, after hearing that
Randolph wa-s transferred to Selma and was soon to be tried,
Judge Busteed granted the writ. Busteed planned to hold court
in Montgomery during the first week of May and since there
was no time to take Randolph to Mobile, Busteed made the writ
returnable to Montgomery on May 5. 27

Meanwhile, Randolph did not know if his trial, scheduled
to begin on May 1, would take place. The military authorities
decided to disregard the writ of habeas corpus , but no one knew
if Judge Busteed would try to enforce the order. 28 On April BO
Clanton sent a telegram to General George Meade, the com-
mander of the Third Military District, in Atlanta asking that
the trial be postponed because of Busteed’s writ. On May 1
Clanton received a reply from Meade saying that the request
was denied. 20

Meade’s denial appeared incompatible with his earlier pro-
nouncements. He previously ordered that “the military power

23 ibid .

?D Mobile Daily Register , April 23, 1868.

"Ibid., April 29, 1868.

iH Mobile Tribune as quoted in the Montgomery Daily Mail, May 2, 1868.
''Montgomery Daily Mail, May 2, 1868.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

135

is only to be exercised in case of the ‘refusal or unwillingness’
of the civil power to act.” This was clearly not the problem
with Randolph’s case, so Meade should have obeyed the writ.
One newspaper asked a very pertinent question: “Were those

orders issued only for form’s sake? or is Gen. Meade so for-
bearing as to permit subordinates to violate his orders with
impunity?” 30

Apparently, a collision between the civil and military
authorities was imminent. General Meade’s orders and a deci-
sion of Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase that the “military au-
thority does not extend in any respect to the courts of the
United States” gave Judge Busteed’s court jurisdiction in Ran-
dolph’s case. But if the military refused to submit to Busteed’s
decision, then the judge had little power to enforce his orders. 31

When Randolph first arrived in Selma on April 25, the
military authorities wanted to try him on that day, but since
Randolph lacked counsel and witnesses, they abandoned the
idea. 32 The tentative date for the trial was set for May 1,
but the absence of witnesses postponed the case until May 2
and then again until Monday, May 4. 33

The Military Commission in Selma was composed of four
members of the United States Army: Brevet Major James

Curtis, the president of the Commission, Brevet Major Horace

30 Livingston Journal, May 9, 1868. General Orders No. 65, issued by Meade on
April 20, 1868, were even more specific: "Whenever charges are preferred against
citizens for trial before a military commission, they will be accompanied with a
statement of the reasons why the case can not be fairly disposed of by the civil
authorities, and also with a full report of the evidence upon which the charges
are based — the sworn statements of the witnesses being taken by the officer in-
vestigating the case, who will also give the accused party an opportunity to for-
ward with the same report, whatever statements he may desire to present in his
defense.” Livingston Journal, May 5, 1868.

^'Montgomery Daily Mail, May 2, 1868.

^Mobile News, April 29 as quoted in the Monitor, May 5, 1868.

13 Monitor , May 12, 1868.

Robert McKee, editor of the Selma Times and Messenger, attended the trial
and took copious notes of the proceedings. He published his notes on the trial in
several editions of his paper, and the Monitor printed his recoid of the trial in the
May 12 edition. The official transcript of the trial is found in RG 153, Records
of the Judge Advocate General’s Office, #3171-00: Proceedings of a Military

Commission Trial of Ryland Randolph, National Archives. The official testimony
and the record kept by McKee differ only in minute details.

136

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

Jewett, and Second Lieutenant W. J. Sartle, all from the Fif-
teenth Infantry. The Judge Advocate, or prosecutor, was
Captain S. R. Honey of the Thirty-Third Infantry. 34 Major
Curtis, highly esteemed and very popular, and the “mild and
placid” Major Jewett were considered to lean toward the side
of mercy, while Lieutenant Sartle was considered to be some-
what zealous. Captain Honey, whose name was said to be “a
sad misnomer, as his bitter prosecution will attest” was con-
sidered a “very well-read, well-qualified lawyer.” 35

Although men worked in Randolph’s behalf throughout,
the state, his Selma counsel consisted of only three men: Cap-

tain W. H. F. Randall, one-time member of the United States
Army, Mr. Henderson Somerville of Tuscaloosa, and Major J. G.
Pierce of Eutaw. Captain Randall was described in glowing
terms as having “a pleasing face and gentlemanly manner, dig-
nified by the expression of thought and reflection.” Major
Pierce was a brilliant defense counselor who put forth many
“logically-argued points.” By far the most important member
of Randolph’s counsel was the Tuscaloosa attorney, Henderson
Somerville. He spoke with “the clearest-distinctness of tone,
appropriateness of cadence, and power of emphasis, enforced
by a fervid, expressive dauntless, but respectful earnestness of
manner.” Randolph clearly had the power of oratory on his
side. 36

On May 4 Randolph’s trial began. After the swearing in
of the members of the court, the charges against Randolph were
read. The charges stated “that Ryland Randolph, a citizen of
Tuskaloosa, Tu-skaloosa Co., Ala., unlawfully and with malice
aforethought did assault one Balus Eddins, a freedman of color,
with intent feloniously and with malice aforethought to murder
him the said Balus Eddins.” Captain Randall questioned the
jurisdiction of the court, basing his pleas on General Meade’s
orders prohibiting military interference where civil authorities
had acted and simply on the Constitution of the United States

“ibid.

“Ibid., September 1, 1868.

An article concerning the trial in this issue of the Monitor was written by an
unknown "Selma Correspondent of a Cincinnatti Journal.”

“Ibid.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

137

but the Court ignored both pleas. 37 Randolph’s counsel also
argued that since Judge Busteed issued the writ of habeas
corpus, the military authorities had no right to try Randolph.
They stated . . in time of peace, when there is no armed
resistance to the authorities of the government; when the writ
of habeas corpus is not suspended but the courts of the state are
daily exercising the privilege of this writ, and when the statute
laws of the state are in full force and effect [it is impossible to
believe] that a military commission can in any event have juris-
diction in the trial of a citizen of a state, or even a citizen of
the United States.” But the Judge Advocate said that the
Military Commission had jurisdiction over the prisoner by virtue
of “the Act of Congress passed on March 2nd 1867 . . . com-
monly termed the reconstruction act.” The record ruled in
favor of the prosecution and the questioning of witnesses be-
gan. 38

The first witness called by the Judge Advocate was Balus
Eddins. Robert McKee described Eddie as “a hard-favored
individual, of . . . less than the average intelligence of his race
in this State, and if there is anything in appearance and the
expression of the countenance of a revengeful disposition, and
a troublesome temper.” He was evidently a field hand about
forty-five or fifty years old. Upon the Judge Advocate’s exam-
ination, Eddins said that he knew Randolph but that he never
had any trouble with him before the stabbing. He told about
his fight with Hollingsworth and then stated that Randolph
fired at him (Eddins) but missed. Eddins said that Randolph
stabbed him before he struck Randolph with the stick. Finally,
Eddins told the court that he had been unable to work for
months because of his wounds. 39

The defense attempted to discredit Eddins’ testimony that
Randolph initiated the attack but failed to do so. They exhibited
the stick with which Eddins had struck Randolph, but the wit-
ness’ testimony remained steadfast. 40 Much later Randolph
said that Eddins “perjured himself most profoundly from the

37 Ibid ., May 12, 1868.

3!> RG 153, Records of the Judge Advocate General’s Office, #3171-00: Proceedings
of a Military Commission Trial of Ryland Randolph, National Archives.

39 Monitor , May 12, 1868.

"Ibid.

138

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

witness stand. 41 The Monitor was more caustic, saying that
although “Negroes generally excel as comedians, . . . Balus
Eddins . . . exhibited incomparable excellence as a tragedian.
He appeared before the Military Court . . . with his head tied
up in rags, leaning like a decrepid octogenarian upon his staff
and uttering groans of the most agonizing character.” Since
not two days later Eddins walked about twenty-five miles from
Greensboro to Tuscaloosa, these charges seemed well-founded.
After Eddins concluded his testimony at about 3:00 p.m., the
court adjourned. 42

The second day of the trial, May 5, began with the calling
of the second prosecution witness, W. T. Hamner, Jr., the son
of a Tuscaloosa County Scalawag. Hamner, present when the
alleged assault occurred, recounted the details of the fight be-
tween Eddins and Hollingsworth. He did not know if Randolph
fired his pistol directly at Eddins, and he was not <sure if
Randolph stabbed Eddins. In answer to questions from the
defense, Hamner said that he did not see Randolph when Eddins
fell. The Court examined the witness, and Hamner said that
Randolph fired toward the wall of Rhea's Store. He said that
Eddins was between Randolph and the wall but he was not
sure if Randolph fired directly at Eddins. The Judge Advocate
then read several excerpts from the Monitor, where Hamner
was called “a young whelp of the old dog" and was threatened
with a visit from the Ku Klux Klan. The prosecution hoped to
show Randolph’s violent nature, and on this note the case for
the prosecution closed. 43

The testimony of the defense witnesses, which took up
the remainder of the second day and most of the third, then
began. The four defense witnesses, all citizens of Tuscaloosa
County, were Thomas H. Curtis, William Farrish, James Rhea,
Jr. and John E. Chambers. 44 These men, described as having

4 Ryland Randolph Memoirs, 91.

4 ‘ Monitor , May 19, 1868. Eddins recovered from his wounds but always had a
decided limp. In later years he was often to be seen working in Randolph’s garden.

1 Ibid ., May 12, 1868. There were two extracts from the Monitor read in the
court: one from April 1, 1868, and the second from April 7, 1868. In the latter
article Randolph called Hamner’s father, who was the tax collector of Tuscaloosa
County, "the meanest, mangiest hound in Christendom.”

44 Ibid .

Little information is available to identify these witnesses: Curtis was fifty-two

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

139

little money, were summoned as witnesses but the government
made no allowance for their expenses. 45 One prospective de-
fense witness failed to make the trip to Selma. He was in-
debted to some of the Tuscaloosa Radicals who used their in-
fluence to prevent him from testifying. 4 * 5

Each defense witness told the same version of the fight.
The men had been present when the alleged assault occurred,
and they stated that Eddins was at fault, not only in the fight
with Hollingsworth but also in the fight with Randolph. The
men agreed that Randolph did not fire at Eddins and that the
shot hit a wall about twelve feet from the ground. They also
said that Randolph stabbed Eddins after Eddins struck Ran-
dolph with a stick. The men remained adamant in their testi-
mony and could not be shaken by the able Judge Advocate. All
of the men knew both Randolph and Eddins, and Mr. Chambers,
who knew Eddins particuarly well, *said that “his character is*
that of a notorious liar.” 47

When the questioning of the defense witnesses ended, the
Judge Advocate called two more witnesses. One of the men
was prevented from testifying because he had read the testi-
mony of the other witnesses. A one-legged black shoemaker of
Tuscaloosa named James Hatter was allowed to testify. Hatter,
a good friend of Eddins, declared that the latter had a “general
character for truth and veracity.” When Hatter completed
his testimony, the third day of the trial ended, and the testi-
mony was finished. 48

On the fourth and final day of the trial, May 7, the defense
counsel and the Judge Advocate made their concluding argu-
ments. Randall, Pierce, and Somerville stated that no malice
with intent to kill had been proven and that Randolph merely

years old and had lived in Tuscaloosa since 1852; John E. Chambers was fifty-five
years old and had lived seven miles outside of Tuscaloosa since 1847. Eddins lived
about one mile from Chambers.

J, H. M. Somerville to Robert McKee, May 1, 1868, Robert McKee Papers.

In his letter to McKee, Somerville asked McKee and the citizens of Selma to
provide accomodations for these men when they arrived in Selma. Somerville said
that the citizens of Tuscaloosa had already paid the transportation costs to Selma.
^’Monitor, May 5, 1868.

47 Ibid., May 12, 1868.

"Ibid.

140

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

fired his pistol to disperse the crowd. They argued that the
stabbing was self-defense. They also argued that both Eddins
and Hamner contradicted themselves on the witness stand and
that their testimony was discredited by the other witnesses.
Finally, the defense counsel said that ‘‘the Court owed it to them-
selves and the country to divest themselves of all political
prejudices, to try the case upon its merits, and to render im-
partial justice between the government and accused.” 49

The arguments of the Judge Advocate were brief. He said
that Randolph shot at Eddins and that Eddins only attacked
Randolph after being thus attacked. The stabbing of Eddins
and the pistol shot presented sufficient evidence, according to
the Judge Advocate, of malice with intent to kill. Finally, he
(Stated that “it was necessary for the protection of society that
the accused should be found guilty and punished.” 50

With the completion of the closing arguments, the case
was closed and turned over to the court which acted as both
judge and jury. The verdict would remain secret until acted
upon by General Meade. According to McKee, the trial had
been a “tedious one,” and everyone was relieved when it ended. 51

During the trial Randolph's friends had lobbied for his
release. John Forsyth, editor of the Mobile Daily Register ,
and Lewis Parsons, former provisional governor of Alabama
in 1865, wrote President Johnson asking for intervention in
Randolph’s case. The latter, dated May 5, focused on the two
most important issues : that Randolph was already under bond
to appear before a state court when the military arrested him,
and that Judge Busteed had issued a writ of habeas corpus
that General Meade had refused to obey. The newspapers re-
corded no answer from Johnson. 52

It was learned before the trial ended that General Shepherd,
under orders from Meade, had agreed to obey Busteed’s writ.
Randolph was to be taken to Montgomery on May 14 and tried

Ibid. For the complete text of Somerville’s speech as he remembered it, see the
Montgomery Advertiser, January 29, 1911.
z "'lbid.
rx lbid.

"Ibid., May 19, 1868.

FALL AND WINTER, 1978

141

in Busteed’s court. Meade evidently decided to subordinate the
military to the civil authority, but the decision came too late
to affect Randolph. 53

After the completion of the trial, many people believed
that Randolph would be found guilty. It was a well-known
fact that most Military Commissions were organized to con-
vict. They feared that Randolph would be sent to the Federal
prison on the Dry Tortugas like other unfortunate victims of
Military Commissions. 54 But surprisingly, on May 11, four
days after the trial ended, the military released Randolph from
jail on orders from General Meade. General Orders No. 78,
issued on May 13, confirmed these preliminary orders: Ran-

dolph was found not guilty and acquitted. 55

The actual reason for Randolph’s release was unknown, . but
four major interpretations arose. Some believed that President
Johnson intervened in the case and forced Randolph’s release.
Because of his quick acquittal, Randolph himself believed this
interpretation at first. 50 Another interpretation later promul-
gated was that General William J. Hardee of Selma, who had
served in the army with General Shepherd, secured Randolph’s
release. 57

The third interpretation was that by releasing Randolph,
General Meade found a convenient way to escape the em-
barrassment caused by Judge Busteed’s writ of habeas corpus J 8
Indeed, if Randolph had not been released prior to May 14, the
day that Bu-steed was to hear the case, then Busteed would
have been forced to rule on the constitutionality of the Re-

B, ’Greensboro Alabama Beacon, May 9, 1868. A letter was written from Meade’s
headquarters on May 3 informing Shepherd that the writ of habeas corpus must
be obeyed.

"'Montgomery Daily Advertiser, as quoted in Selma Times and Messenger, May 14,
1868.

"'’Selma Times and Messenger, May 21, 1868. The Military Commission was also
dissolved by this order.

'"‘Monitor, June 2, 1868. No proof of Johnson’s intervention was located.
"‘Montgomery Advertiser, January 22, 1911, and DuBose, Alabama's Tragic Decade,
244. See also an unidentified newspaper clipping in the V. M. Randolph Papers,
Samford University, Special Collections, Birmingham, Alabama. DuBose was ap-
parently the only major figure to hold this view. His viewpoint was refuted by
Somerville in an article in the Montgomery Advertiser, January 29, 1911.
5S Livingston Journal, May 16, 1868.

142

ALABAMA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY

construction Acts. The national Republican party wanted to
avoid a case of this type if possible. If Busteed had decided
that the Reconstruction Acts were unconstitutional, then the
entire Congressional scheme of Reconstruction would have been
in question. But Meade thwarted this potentially earthshaking
court hearing. 59

The most widely accepted explanation for Randolph's re-
lease was that the Military Commission itself acquitted him.
The Montgomery Daily Advertiser believed this view and based
its opinion on “the authority of a member of the Commission.” 60
Randolph’s attorney, Sommerville, also believed that the Com-
mission found his client not guilty. 61 Even the Monitor said
that the “Military Commission at Selma has had the manhood,
the virtue, the justice, to acquit the editor of the Monitor of
the charges upon which he was recently put on trial before
them.” 62

After Randolph’s release on May 11, the people of Selma
greeted him with great acclaim. While returning to Tuscaloosa
he received “ovation after ovation.” 63 Randolph arrived in
Tuscaloosa on May 14 and about two miles out of town Somer-
ville and McEachin met him and gave him a seat in an open
carriage. Near the southern border of town a group of ladies
met the carriage and decorated it and the horses with flowers. 64

'‘ibid.. May 23, 1868. Meade later sent a letter to Busteed in which Meade says
that he never attempted to disobey the writ, "my [Meade’s] telegram to General
Clanton being predicated on his, and before I had received any official informa-
tion that you had issued the writ.”

The Randolph case resembled Ex parte McCardle, in which a Mississippi editor
was convicted by a military commission for criticizing Radical Reconstruction.
McCardle appealed to the Supreme Court early in 1868, just before Randolph
himself came to trial. The Supreme Court was expected to rule in favor of Mc-
Cardle and declare the Congressional Reconstruction Acts of 1867 unconstitutional
but before it could act, Congress withdrew its jurisdiction. Thus, Randolph’s case
could not reach the Supreme Court, but his attempt would have proven extremely
embarassing to the Radical Republicans.

^Montgomery Daily Advertiser, May 14, 1868.

61 Montgomery Advertiser, January 29, 1911.

62 Monitor , May 19, 1868.

The official record of the court proceedings gives no reason why Randolph
was released.

Ryland Randolph Collection of newspaper clippings, Sam